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7월, 2024의 게시물 표시

치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像takethewordsoutofaperson'smouth말하려고하는것을먼저말하다말을가로채다치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像무력武力(armed)force(군사력)militaryforce무력無力[형용사]powerlesshelplessimpotent무력 간섭armedinterventioninterventionbyarms무력시위armedprotest 영적속임수spiritualdeceitdeceptiontrickerychicaneryspiritualfrauddeceptionspiritualhumblebragassumingfalsehumility 그림그리는법을가르치다그림그리는법을가르쳐주다그림그리는법을가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다임의표식property재산,소유물(→intellectual property, lost property, public property)부동산건물건물구내intellectualityintellectualpower지력지성총명sconceupperworksintellectualforceintellectualfacultiesclydebrainpowerheadpieceexertintelligencenoeticintelligentialintellectualnessintellectiveingineintellectivelynoetic(s)intellectualprogressspirit정신영혼기분마음(특정한 유형의)사람(→free spirit)anima[UC]영혼정신생명[the ~][심리]아니마((남성의 여성적 특성, cf. ANIMUS 3))Psyche[p~; the ~, one’s ~] (육체와 대비하여) 영혼, 정신(cf. CORPUS)심리 정신, 프시케Geist(철학의) 정신, 영혼; 지적 감수성, 지적 정열Maldek영구파문永久破門jiva영혼힌두교대아(大我)(Atman)의특정한표현으로생각되는개개의영혼자이나교비영혼(ajira)에대해개개의영혼또는생명의원리온갖색깔을가진업(業)에의한물질에의해착색된투명한수정으로비유된다.(집합적으로)이것들의모나드(monads)우주의생기의원리로생각되고있다.인격人格personalitycharacterPC방PC房PCBangAPCbang(Korean:PC방;lit.PCroom)isatypeofinternetcafeorLANgamingcenterinSouthKoreahypostasis[철학]근본,본질,실체(개념의)구체화의학혈액강하[침체](삼위일체의)한위격(位格)ousia실체substance실체물질본질핵심요지hypostatization실체시(視)실체화stereography입체[실체]화법((입체기하학의한분야))입체사진술stereogram(물체의실체적인상을그대로표현한)실체화(畵)입체화실체도표(=STEREOGRAPH)substantialize실체로하다실체화하다실재시키다실재화하다실현하다실지로나타내다incorporeity[U]실체[형태]가없음무형비물질성무형적존재illusiveness착각을일으키게함실체가없음bodilessness몸통이없음형체[실체]가없음prakriti힌두교(상캬(Sankhya)파철학에서)프라크리티근본물질푸루샤(순수정신원리)의영향을받으면서거기에서물질적우주와정신적우주가전개하는근원적실체self-definition자기(의본질[실체]의)인식[확인]임경업(林慶業, 1594년 12월 13일(음력 11월 2일) ~ 1646년 8월 1일(음력 6월 20일))강감찬(姜邯贊[1] 또는 姜邯瓚[2], 948년 음력 11월 19일~1031년 음력 8월 20일)알렉산드로스 3세 메가스Alexander III of Macedon (Ancient Greek: Ἀλέξανδρος, romanized: Alexandros; 20/21 July 356 BC – 10/11 June 323 BC)한니발 바르카Hannibal (/ˈhænɪbəl/; Punic: 𐤇𐤍𐤁𐤏𐤋, romanized: Ḥannībaʿl; 247 – between 183 and 181 BC)조지 H. W. 부시(George Herbert Walker Bush, 1924년 ~ 2018년)조지 W. 부시(George Walker Bush, 1946년 ~ )Victoria (Alexandrina Victoria; 24 May 1819 – 22 January 1901)빅토리아 여왕(영어: Alexandrina Victoria, 1819년 5월 24일 ~ 1901년 1월 22일)Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, DStJ, PC, FRS, HonFRSC (née Roberts; 13 October 1925 – 8 April 2013)마거릿 힐더 대처(영어: Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, 1925년 10월 13일 ~ 2013년 4월 8일)朝鮮世宗（朝鮮語：조선 세종／朝鮮世宗 Joseon Sejong；1397年5月7日[1]—1450年4月8日），姓李，諱祹（朝鮮語：이도／李祹 Yi Do），字元正（朝鮮語：원정／元正 Wonjeong），朝鲜王朝的第4代国王阿提拉或亞提拉等（Attila，又常稱Attila the Hun，約406年—453年），是自約434年時至其過世時為匈人最主要的大单于之一Elizabeth I (7 September 1533 – 24 March 1603)Elizabeth II (Elizabeth Alexandra Mary; 21 April 1926 – 8 September 2022)Vice-Admiral Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson, 1st Duke of Bronte KB (29 September [O.S. 18 September] 1758 – 21 October 1805)고려 태조(高麗 太祖, 877년 1월 31일(음력 1월 14일)[1] ~ 943년 7월 4일(음력 5월 29일)세종(한국 한자: 世宗, 중세 한국어: ·솅조ᇰ[1], 1397년 5월 15일 (음력 4월 10일)[2] ~ 1450년 3월 30일 (음력 2월 17일))은 조선의 제4대 국왕(재위 : 1418년 9월 9일 ~ 1450년 3월 30일)Douglas MacArthur (26 January 1880 – 5 April 1964)道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟（英語：Douglas MacArthur，1880年1月26日—1964年4月5日）唐高宗李治（628年7月21日—683年12月27日）撒切尔女男爵玛格丽特·希尔达·撒切尔 LG OM PC FRS FRIC（英語：Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher，/ˈθætʃɚ/ ( 聆聽)；1925年10月13日—2013年4月8日）伊丽莎白二世（英語：Elizabeth II；1926年4月21日[註 1]—2022年9月8日），全名伊丽莎白·亚历山德拉·玛丽（英語：Elizabeth Alexandra Mary）伊丽莎白一世（英語：Elizabeth I；1533年9月7日—1603年3月24日），于1558年11月17日至1603年3月24日任英格兰和爱尔兰女王溫斯頓·倫納德·斯賓塞-邱吉爾爵士，KG，OM，CH，TD，DL，FRS，PC (Can)，RA（英語：Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill；1874年11月30日—1965年1月24日）海軍中將第一代納爾遜子爵霍雷肖·納爾遜，KB（英語：Vice Admiral Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson，1758年9月29日—1805年10月21日）충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 죽리(竹里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 용강리(曲江里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 중동리(中洞里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 대동리(大洞里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 교동리(校洞里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 증평리(曾坪里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 죽리(竹里) 107충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 교동(校洞) 183경기도(京畿道) 인천시(仁川市) 동구(東區) 송림동(松林洞) 105서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 62‐12서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 347서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 91서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 345人智冒瀆食肉物肉人肉人面畜顔欺賣詐妄偏誕矯誘僞到罔誣蒙調瞞詭變騙譎姦伋張謬誑抵犯迋諼訛謾讒豫謨諠訑訏詫譸拐眩㗄谩䛲侜謶赚诬瞒㓃倰誈骗诧賺诈谲诡騗諕幠誆诳䛫諆譠谖紿绐緿諔忚売㗈誔㪭㦒譧诪懗譤讆憰誷吪蚩𧫠𧨆𧸖𧫩𥊑𧫽𧩄我吾余予身民愚朕魚卬厶俺台儂蒙調瞞詭變騙譎姦伋張謬誑抵犯迋狡童凶黠能猾獪猾狡惡詐黠兇猾衣膚皮膚肤臚胪㱺肌表𤺧𦢚𦠄𤿘腅腠胕心志腹魂胸肺思腸中根寸神性胃腦本肝指膽膺宮緖意志感情臆腑意思㣺襟虛抱衿㲴傷暴殘毒凶費危蓋殃損厄殆克賊割禍忮慘曝虐癒踐疾㺑惎㥍刻残㲅㥇讒獵伤齕𣧝𣳅𢾃仇𢗏𢤵𨆎𤡙盖沴遏毀剝㐫敝𢦏㫧㬥㓙费狡龁枳䄃𣧑威𪗟损曷𨸷蠹擠礙葢䜛挤揍谗㦑㨈憨瘉蠧耗𠐣碍甾疚寇措惨贼旤祸狡猾獪㺒狯䛢姡㛿𤠖𢛛迌狡吏猾智狡情𡠹𧭇𠋬𡜶𤟋欺賣詐妄偏誕矯誘僞到罔誣攫㸕爴攘𤔗㸕爴𤔩攫𣀮𢺖殺死毒斷六殘減劍劉極兵克殊屠煞夷戮留去擊薨戕壓烹剿殛杀刘虔敲奪漁削越割篡簒收劫褫沒攫剝壤神性神悰胷䰟志肠膓肺腸肝腎㥽意向𦛄𦚍𦙞𦚾肚匘肊恖吋懷䐗䘳胆中脑脳幽緒宫䐉绪鑿虚虗褱懐凿怀作心三日不立文字憚恂愰思心想念意案魂觀端憶感情恖臆慮悰襟抱衿忌𠂺𡴓𢙦𠃼𢗁𢍄㣺䰟懷肊䘳観观覌肩胛胉䯋脻肩胛骨𣄤𩨹𣄘𩩦𩩘𩩲𦚑𦚌𡱎腎牡陰莖屌紫芝屪㞗𣬠𡳇𣬶肾龜龜龜寢不安席䘒牛腎不眠徹夜坐藏之馬陰藏陰縮𧗔越宿腎莖狗腎黃狗腎陰縱天宦鹿鞭鹿腎男莖形陰痿三之陰莖癌脧龍頭龜頭膣屄毴寶唐之陰門腟獨見之明聰明叡智唭越視靑盲三之視覺障碍人空銜下門步藏之貞操權見邪視觀監嘗看視覽審閱處八不用菑䃣䃣𤢪䃣靡窛𢵄葘中被倒竊姦盜偸攘偷窃𢿑𥨷徼襒忨媮婾剽盗姧㡪𢅼愉撟挢狡獪猾狡兔三窟㺒狯䛢𤠖𢛛姡㛿𡠹𧭇狡獪猾狡兔三窟㺒狯䛢𤠖𢛛姡㛿𡠹𧭇𠋬𡜶𤟋迌𠬍狡吏猾智狡情狡童萃厧峙𧽖崻濡滯留連僑侨宿眠寢睡伸寐寑寝㝛㝲暝𡨦𡪷𡪢𡫒臥寢伸俯偃懶卧躺𠥸𠑛寑䖙𣱐頫䫍飯食喫哺茹噬啜糊饌湌餐饋喰飵噍飮吸酌酒仰茶喫爵哈歃餐啐嚥飲啜坐居娑㘴㘸𥦊𨆃𠱯𢋇𡊎𥧚𡋲姬躦袴胯跨𦜮𢆋𧿉𦚬褲裤骻趶髋髖臗𣎑股腓股掌會陰乳鏡動脈輸血變譎姦伋張誑抵犯謬迋諼訛讒謾諠訑訏詫譸眩豫謨侜赚瞒骗賺拐紿㗄谩䛲謶诬㓃倰誈诧诈谲诡騗諕幠誆吪蚩诳䛫諆譠谖绐緿諔忚𧫠䄃威损曷𨸷蠹葢挤揍擠憨瘉礙蠧䜛谗㦑㨈𠐣耗碍甾疚寇惨贼祸措戝旤䄀毁践猟菑䃣逢打搥𢈹扑打討攻征叩批毆撻拷搏注扑攵拉朴斫撲攴搭挨杓椓击捶抌棒殴讨搷㩁摐搕搉朾挌扺槀挞挝刜反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體부정정사否定情事부정사음부정정교부정섹스부정결혼부정혼인부정통혼플레이아데스4대무법자630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애否定腐敗부정부패荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭아틀란티스Atlantis준아틀란티스준성단준성운지구말데크Maldek리라Lyra베가VegaαLyrae안드로메다아플레이아데스莫無可奈當爲我亞流主義我人之常情不同否非否同非同非同否同不非人之常情나𢦠𣍹𢦓𢦖𢦐𠨐𩵋𨈟𦨶𩇶偺喒俺姎𢓲𨖍𢀹𦩎𦩗𠨂身民朕나我吾余予身民愚朕魚卬厶俺台儂自己侬余原始下等未開無智邪慝狡慝狡猾異他惰差別秀殊相象像空敵賊偸意識體我訝娥餓俄啞哦서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞三街서울특별시용산구청파동3가서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞서울특별시용산구청파동라마크리슈나(Ramakrishna, 1836년~1886년)용산공업고등학교(龍山工業高等學校)서울특별시영등포구봉천동62번지12호박종권패악무도 패덕무례 패륜지도에 대한 처리서부정결혼否定結婚부정혼인否定婚姻부정통혼否定通婚to negate; to de부정정교否定情交to negate; to denyfeeling; senti부정사음否定邪婬to negate; to denywrong; evil; d부정정사否定情事to negate; to denycircumstances;物肉畜生食肉畜生人肉畜生食人肉畜生REPTOIDE物肉人肉食肉食人人面畜顔持續的恒久的恒續的永遠的永劫的永續的永久的無始無終的永久破門削磨滅pneumanotchdegradationdemotionseizureplunderunauthorizedsharing영등급강등영등급강탈영등급무단공유靈等級降等靈等級强奪無斷共有公有食人식인食肉식육人肉인육원본능無限贖罪任意贖罪永久贖罪一時贖罪無斷贖罪淫獄等活地獄黑繩地獄衆合地獄叫喚地獄大叫喚地獄焦熱地獄阿鼻地獄大焦熱地獄八熱八寒地獄無間地獄무지無知미개未開원시原始하등下等야만野蠻무능無能物肉人肉食肉食人人面畜顔생각사고사색thoughtthinking계획ideathinkconsider기억remembrancerememberlookbackonbringcallsbsthtomind마음의지마음mind의향inclination의도intentionthinkofaboutintendplanmeanMaldek플레이아데스성단(Pleiades star cluster)안드로메다자리 대성운(Andromeda大星雲)거문고자리(라틴어: Lyra)Hercules (constellation)용산공업고등학교(龍山工業高等學校)서울특별시영등포구봉천동62번지12호서울특별시 영등포구 봉천동 91서울특별시 영등포구 봉천동 347서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 345서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 738서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1625-25서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1612-24서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1604-13서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 738-291 낙원그린빌라 201서울특별시용산구청파동宿所숙소宿泊숙박住所地주소지居所거소하숙집民家민가聯立住宅연립주택蜂窩住宅봉와주택忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 龍江里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 용강리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 大洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 대동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 中洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 중동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 校洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 교동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 曾坪里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 증평리서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞identityPersonality인격人格정체正體정체성正體性identityPersonal identity영성靈性영격靈格혼령魂靈혼백魂魄soulspirit얼굴face낯안면顔面용안容顔visagespiritualitysoulthespiritoressenceofaperson靈魂ghost안드로메다 은하(영어: Andromeda Galaxy)메시에 31(M31) 또는 NGC 224얼굴(머리의앞쪽)face(literary)visage(표정)facelook(literary)countenance(체면)face이제부터모두내가가르쳐준것으로하겠다그림그리는법을가르치다그림그리는법을가르쳐주다그림그리는법을가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다임의표식살생殺生살육殺肉살인殺人살해殺害나는하지않았는데내가했다pederasty남색男色기룡鰭龍어룡魚龍물고기종족MaldekaplesiosaurMaldekadinosaurMaldekanichthyosaurMaldekapterosaurMaldekdinosaurMaldekreptoidsMaldek食人恐龍치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像takethewordsoutofaperson'smouth말하려고하는것을먼저말하다말을가로채다치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像무력武力(armed)force(군사력)militaryforce무력無力[형용사]powerlesshelplessimpotent무력 간섭armedinterventioninterventionbyarms무력시위armedprotest영적속임수spiritualdeceitdeceptiontrickerychicaneryspiritualfrauddeceptionspiritualhumblebragassumingfalsehumilitytimelineofIndianhistorytimelineofGermanhistorytimelineofChinesehistorytimelineofBritishhistory내가누군지모르게만드는놈공득空得僞空得내가누군지모르게만드는놈살생殺生kill살해殺害killingmurderhomicidekillmurderslaughtermassacre持續的恒久的恒續的永遠的永劫的永續的永久的無始無終的永久破門削磨滅 내가누군지모르게만드는놈살생殺生kill살해殺害killingmurderhomicidekillmurderslaughtermassacre

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 치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像takethewordsoutofaperson'smouth말하려고하는것을먼저말하다말을가로채다치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像무력武力(armed)force(군사력)militaryforce무력無力[형용사]powerlesshelplessimpotent무력 간섭armedinterventioninterventionbyarms무력시위armedprotest 영적속임수spiritualdeceitdeceptiontrickerychicaneryspiritualfrauddeceptionspiritualhumblebragassumingfalsehumility 그림그리는법을가르치다그림그리는법을가르쳐주다그림그리는법을가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다임의표식property재산,소유물(→intellectual property, lost property, public property)부동산건물건물구내intellectualityintellectualpower지력지성총명sconceupperworksintellectualforceintellectualfacultiesclydebrainpowerheadpieceexertintelligencenoeticintelligentialintellectualnessintellectiveingineintellectivelynoetic(s)intellectualprogressspirit정신영혼기분마음(특정한 유형의)사람(→free spirit)anima[UC]영혼정신생명[the ~][심리]아니마((남성의 여성적 특성, cf. ANIMUS 3))Psyche[p~; the ~, one’s ~] (육체와 대비하여) 영혼, 정신(cf. CORPUS)심리 정신, 프시케Geist(철학의) 정신, 영혼; 지적 감수성, 지적 정열Maldek영구파문永久破門jiva영혼힌두교대아(大我)(Atman)의특정한표현으로생각되는개개의영혼자이나교비영혼(ajira)에대해개
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치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像takethewordsoutofaperson'smouth말하려고하는것을먼저말하다말을가로채다치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像무력武力(armed)force(군사력)militaryforce무력無力[형용사]powerlesshelplessimpotent무력 간섭armedinterventioninterventionbyarms무력시위armedprotest 영적속임수spiritualdeceitdeceptiontrickerychicaneryspiritualfrauddeceptionspiritualhumblebragassumingfalsehumility 그림그리는법을가르치다그림그리는법을가르쳐주다그림그리는법을가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다임의표식property재산,소유물(→intellectual property, lost property, public property)부동산건물건물구내intellectualityintellectualpower지력지성총명sconceupperworksintellectualforceintellectualfacultiesclydebrainpowerheadpieceexertintelligencenoeticintelligentialintellectualnessintellectiveingineintellectivelynoetic(s)intellectualprogressspirit정신영혼기분마음(특정한 유형의)사람(→free spirit)anima[UC]영혼정신생명[the ~][심리]아니마((남성의 여성적 특성, cf. ANIMUS 3))Psyche[p~; the ~, one’s ~] (육체와 대비하여) 영혼, 정신(cf. CORPUS)심리 정신, 프시케Geist(철학의) 정신, 영혼; 지적 감수성, 지적 정열Maldek영구파문永久破門jiva영혼힌두교대아(大我)(Atman)의특정한표현으로생각되는개개의영혼자이나교비영혼(ajira)에대해개개의영혼또는생명의원리온갖색깔을가진업(業)에의한물질에의해착색된투명한수정으로비유된다.(집합적으로)이것들의모나드(monads)우주의생기의원리로생각되고있다.인격人格personalitycharacterPC방PC房PCBangAPCbang(Korean:PC방;lit.PCroom)isatypeofinternetcafeorLANgamingcenterinSouthKoreahypostasis[철학]근본,본질,실체(개념의)구체화의학혈액강하[침체](삼위일체의)한위격(位格)ousia실체substance실체물질본질핵심요지hypostatization실체시(視)실체화stereography입체[실체]화법((입체기하학의한분야))입체사진술stereogram(물체의실체적인상을그대로표현한)실체화(畵)입체화실체도표(=STEREOGRAPH)substantialize실체로하다실체화하다실재시키다실재화하다실현하다실지로나타내다incorporeity[U]실체[형태]가없음무형비물질성무형적존재illusiveness착각을일으키게함실체가없음bodilessness몸통이없음형체[실체]가없음prakriti힌두교(상캬(Sankhya)파철학에서)프라크리티근본물질푸루샤(순수정신원리)의영향을받으면서거기에서물질적우주와정신적우주가전개하는근원적실체self-definition자기(의본질[실체]의)인식[확인]임경업(林慶業, 1594년 12월 13일(음력 11월 2일) ~ 1646년 8월 1일(음력 6월 20일))강감찬(姜邯贊[1] 또는 姜邯瓚[2], 948년 음력 11월 19일~1031년 음력 8월 20일)알렉산드로스 3세 메가스Alexander III of Macedon (Ancient Greek: Ἀλέξανδρος, romanized: Alexandros; 20/21 July 356 BC – 10/11 June 323 BC)한니발 바르카Hannibal (/ˈhænɪbəl/; Punic: 𐤇𐤍𐤁𐤏𐤋, romanized: Ḥannībaʿl; 247 – between 183 and 181 BC)조지 H. W. 부시(George Herbert Walker Bush, 1924년 ~ 2018년)조지 W. 부시(George Walker Bush, 1946년 ~ )Victoria (Alexandrina Victoria; 24 May 1819 – 22 January 1901)빅토리아 여왕(영어: Alexandrina Victoria, 1819년 5월 24일 ~ 1901년 1월 22일)Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, DStJ, PC, FRS, HonFRSC (née Roberts; 13 October 1925 – 8 April 2013)마거릿 힐더 대처(영어: Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, 1925년 10월 13일 ~ 2013년 4월 8일)朝鮮世宗（朝鮮語：조선 세종／朝鮮世宗 Joseon Sejong；1397年5月7日[1]—1450年4月8日），姓李，諱祹（朝鮮語：이도／李祹 Yi Do），字元正（朝鮮語：원정／元正 Wonjeong），朝鲜王朝的第4代国王阿提拉或亞提拉等（Attila，又常稱Attila the Hun，約406年—453年），是自約434年時至其過世時為匈人最主要的大单于之一Elizabeth I (7 September 1533 – 24 March 1603)Elizabeth II (Elizabeth Alexandra Mary; 21 April 1926 – 8 September 2022)Vice-Admiral Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson, 1st Duke of Bronte KB (29 September [O.S. 18 September] 1758 – 21 October 1805)고려 태조(高麗 太祖, 877년 1월 31일(음력 1월 14일)[1] ~ 943년 7월 4일(음력 5월 29일)세종(한국 한자: 世宗, 중세 한국어: ·솅조ᇰ[1], 1397년 5월 15일 (음력 4월 10일)[2] ~ 1450년 3월 30일 (음력 2월 17일))은 조선의 제4대 국왕(재위 : 1418년 9월 9일 ~ 1450년 3월 30일)Douglas MacArthur (26 January 1880 – 5 April 1964)道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟（英語：Douglas MacArthur，1880年1月26日—1964年4月5日）唐高宗李治（628年7月21日—683年12月27日）撒切尔女男爵玛格丽特·希尔达·撒切尔 LG OM PC FRS FRIC（英語：Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher，/ˈθætʃɚ/ ( 聆聽)；1925年10月13日—2013年4月8日）伊丽莎白二世（英語：Elizabeth II；1926年4月21日[註 1]—2022年9月8日），全名伊丽莎白·亚历山德拉·玛丽（英語：Elizabeth Alexandra Mary）伊丽莎白一世（英語：Elizabeth I；1533年9月7日—1603年3月24日），于1558年11月17日至1603年3月24日任英格兰和爱尔兰女王溫斯頓·倫納德·斯賓塞-邱吉爾爵士，KG，OM，CH，TD，DL，FRS，PC (Can)，RA（英語：Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill；1874年11月30日—1965年1月24日）海軍中將第一代納爾遜子爵霍雷肖·納爾遜，KB（英語：Vice Admiral Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson，1758年9月29日—1805年10月21日）충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 죽리(竹里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 용강리(曲江里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 중동리(中洞里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 대동리(大洞里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 교동리(校洞里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 증평리(曾坪里)충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 죽리(竹里) 107충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 교동(校洞) 183경기도(京畿道) 인천시(仁川市) 동구(東區) 송림동(松林洞) 105서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 62‐12서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 347서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 91서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 345人智冒瀆食肉物肉人肉人面畜顔欺賣詐妄偏誕矯誘僞到罔誣蒙調瞞詭變騙譎姦伋張謬誑抵犯迋諼訛謾讒豫謨諠訑訏詫譸拐眩㗄谩䛲侜謶赚诬瞒㓃倰誈骗诧賺诈谲诡騗諕幠誆诳䛫諆譠谖紿绐緿諔忚売㗈誔㪭㦒譧诪懗譤讆憰誷吪蚩𧫠𧨆𧸖𧫩𥊑𧫽𧩄我吾余予身民愚朕魚卬厶俺台儂蒙調瞞詭變騙譎姦伋張謬誑抵犯迋狡童凶黠能猾獪猾狡惡詐黠兇猾衣膚皮膚肤臚胪㱺肌表𤺧𦢚𦠄𤿘腅腠胕心志腹魂胸肺思腸中根寸神性胃腦本肝指膽膺宮緖意志感情臆腑意思㣺襟虛抱衿㲴傷暴殘毒凶費危蓋殃損厄殆克賊割禍忮慘曝虐癒踐疾㺑惎㥍刻残㲅㥇讒獵伤齕𣧝𣳅𢾃仇𢗏𢤵𨆎𤡙盖沴遏毀剝㐫敝𢦏㫧㬥㓙费狡龁枳䄃𣧑威𪗟损曷𨸷蠹擠礙葢䜛挤揍谗㦑㨈憨瘉蠧耗𠐣碍甾疚寇措惨贼旤祸狡猾獪㺒狯䛢姡㛿𤠖𢛛迌狡吏猾智狡情𡠹𧭇𠋬𡜶𤟋欺賣詐妄偏誕矯誘僞到罔誣攫㸕爴攘𤔗㸕爴𤔩攫𣀮𢺖殺死毒斷六殘減劍劉極兵克殊屠煞夷戮留去擊薨戕壓烹剿殛杀刘虔敲奪漁削越割篡簒收劫褫沒攫剝壤神性神悰胷䰟志肠膓肺腸肝腎㥽意向𦛄𦚍𦙞𦚾肚匘肊恖吋懷䐗䘳胆中脑脳幽緒宫䐉绪鑿虚虗褱懐凿怀作心三日不立文字憚恂愰思心想念意案魂觀端憶感情恖臆慮悰襟抱衿忌𠂺𡴓𢙦𠃼𢗁𢍄㣺䰟懷肊䘳観观覌肩胛胉䯋脻肩胛骨𣄤𩨹𣄘𩩦𩩘𩩲𦚑𦚌𡱎腎牡陰莖屌紫芝屪㞗𣬠𡳇𣬶肾龜龜龜寢不安席䘒牛腎不眠徹夜坐藏之馬陰藏陰縮𧗔越宿腎莖狗腎黃狗腎陰縱天宦鹿鞭鹿腎男莖形陰痿三之陰莖癌脧龍頭龜頭膣屄毴寶唐之陰門腟獨見之明聰明叡智唭越視靑盲三之視覺障碍人空銜下門步藏之貞操權見邪視觀監嘗看視覽審閱處八不用菑䃣䃣𤢪䃣靡窛𢵄葘中被倒竊姦盜偸攘偷窃𢿑𥨷徼襒忨媮婾剽盗姧㡪𢅼愉撟挢狡獪猾狡兔三窟㺒狯䛢𤠖𢛛姡㛿𡠹𧭇狡獪猾狡兔三窟㺒狯䛢𤠖𢛛姡㛿𡠹𧭇𠋬𡜶𤟋迌𠬍狡吏猾智狡情狡童萃厧峙𧽖崻濡滯留連僑侨宿眠寢睡伸寐寑寝㝛㝲暝𡨦𡪷𡪢𡫒臥寢伸俯偃懶卧躺𠥸𠑛寑䖙𣱐頫䫍飯食喫哺茹噬啜糊饌湌餐饋喰飵噍飮吸酌酒仰茶喫爵哈歃餐啐嚥飲啜坐居娑㘴㘸𥦊𨆃𠱯𢋇𡊎𥧚𡋲姬躦袴胯跨𦜮𢆋𧿉𦚬褲裤骻趶髋髖臗𣎑股腓股掌會陰乳鏡動脈輸血變譎姦伋張誑抵犯謬迋諼訛讒謾諠訑訏詫譸眩豫謨侜赚瞒骗賺拐紿㗄谩䛲謶诬㓃倰誈诧诈谲诡騗諕幠誆吪蚩诳䛫諆譠谖绐緿諔忚𧫠䄃威损曷𨸷蠹葢挤揍擠憨瘉礙蠧䜛谗㦑㨈𠐣耗碍甾疚寇惨贼祸措戝旤䄀毁践猟菑䃣逢打搥𢈹扑打討攻征叩批毆撻拷搏注扑攵拉朴斫撲攴搭挨杓椓击捶抌棒殴讨搷㩁摐搕搉朾挌扺槀挞挝刜反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體부정정사否定情事부정사음부정정교부정섹스부정결혼부정혼인부정통혼플레이아데스4대무법자630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애否定腐敗부정부패荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭아틀란티스Atlantis준아틀란티스준성단준성운지구말데크Maldek리라Lyra베가VegaαLyrae안드로메다아플레이아데스莫無可奈當爲我亞流主義我人之常情不同否非否同非同非同否同不非人之常情나𢦠𣍹𢦓𢦖𢦐𠨐𩵋𨈟𦨶𩇶偺喒俺姎𢓲𨖍𢀹𦩎𦩗𠨂身民朕나我吾余予身民愚朕魚卬厶俺台儂自己侬余原始下等未開無智邪慝狡慝狡猾異他惰差別秀殊相象像空敵賊偸意識體我訝娥餓俄啞哦서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞三街서울특별시용산구청파동3가서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞서울특별시용산구청파동라마크리슈나(Ramakrishna, 1836년~1886년)용산공업고등학교(龍山工業高等學校)서울특별시영등포구봉천동62번지12호박종권패악무도 패덕무례 패륜지도에 대한 처리서부정결혼否定結婚부정혼인否定婚姻부정통혼否定通婚to negate; to de부정정교否定情交to negate; to denyfeeling; senti부정사음否定邪婬to negate; to denywrong; evil; d부정정사否定情事to negate; to denycircumstances;物肉畜生食肉畜生人肉畜生食人肉畜生REPTOIDE物肉人肉食肉食人人面畜顔持續的恒久的恒續的永遠的永劫的永續的永久的無始無終的永久破門削磨滅pneumanotchdegradationdemotionseizureplunderunauthorizedsharing영등급강등영등급강탈영등급무단공유靈等級降等靈等級强奪無斷共有公有食人식인食肉식육人肉인육원본능無限贖罪任意贖罪永久贖罪一時贖罪無斷贖罪淫獄等活地獄黑繩地獄衆合地獄叫喚地獄大叫喚地獄焦熱地獄阿鼻地獄大焦熱地獄八熱八寒地獄無間地獄무지無知미개未開원시原始하등下等야만野蠻무능無能物肉人肉食肉食人人面畜顔생각사고사색thoughtthinking계획ideathinkconsider기억remembrancerememberlookbackonbringcallsbsthtomind마음의지마음mind의향inclination의도intentionthinkofaboutintendplanmeanMaldek플레이아데스성단(Pleiades star cluster)안드로메다자리 대성운(Andromeda大星雲)거문고자리(라틴어: Lyra)Hercules (constellation)용산공업고등학교(龍山工業高等學校)서울특별시영등포구봉천동62번지12호서울특별시 영등포구 봉천동 91서울특별시 영등포구 봉천동 347서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 345서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 738서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1625-25서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1612-24서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1604-13서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 738-291 낙원그린빌라 201서울특별시용산구청파동宿所숙소宿泊숙박住所地주소지居所거소하숙집民家민가聯立住宅연립주택蜂窩住宅봉와주택忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 龍江里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 용강리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 大洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 대동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 中洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 중동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 校洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 교동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 曾坪里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 증평리서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞identityPersonality인격人格정체正體정체성正體性identityPersonal identity영성靈性영격靈格혼령魂靈혼백魂魄soulspirit얼굴face낯안면顔面용안容顔visagespiritualitysoulthespiritoressenceofaperson靈魂ghost안드로메다 은하(영어: Andromeda Galaxy)메시에 31(M31) 또는 NGC 224얼굴(머리의앞쪽)face(literary)visage(표정)facelook(literary)countenance(체면)face이제부터모두내가가르쳐준것으로하겠다그림그리는법을가르치다그림그리는법을가르쳐주다그림그리는법을가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다임의표식살생殺生살육殺肉살인殺人살해殺害나는하지않았는데내가했다pederasty남색男色기룡鰭龍어룡魚龍물고기종족MaldekaplesiosaurMaldekadinosaurMaldekanichthyosaurMaldekapterosaurMaldekdinosaurMaldekreptoidsMaldek食人恐龍치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像takethewordsoutofaperson'smouth말하려고하는것을먼저말하다말을가로채다치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像무력武力(armed)force(군사력)militaryforce무력無力[형용사]powerlesshelplessimpotent무력 간섭armedinterventioninterventionbyarms무력시위armedprotest영적속임수spiritualdeceitdeceptiontrickerychicaneryspiritualfrauddeceptionspiritualhumblebragassumingfalsehumilitytimelineofIndianhistorytimelineofGermanhistorytimelineofChinesehistorytimelineofBritishhistory내가누군지모르게만드는놈공득空得僞空得持續的恒久的恒續的永遠的永劫的永續的永久的無始無終的永久破門削磨滅

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 치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像takethewordsoutofaperson'smouth말하려고하는것을먼저말하다말을가로채다치명적아바타fatalmortaldeadlylethalfatalavatar致命的头像무력武力(armed)force(군사력)militaryforce무력無力[형용사]powerlesshelplessimpotent무력 간섭armedinterventioninterventionbyarms무력시위armedprotest 영적속임수spiritualdeceitdeceptiontrickerychicaneryspiritualfrauddeceptionspiritualhumblebragassumingfalsehumility 그림그리는법을가르치다그림그리는법을가르쳐주다그림그리는법을가르쳐준것으로하겠습니다임의표식property재산,소유물(→intellectual property, lost property, public property)부동산건물건물구내intellectualityintellectualpower지력지성총명sconceupperworksintellectualforceintellectualfacultiesclydebrainpowerheadpieceexertintelligencenoeticintelligentialintellectualnessintellectiveingineintellectivelynoetic(s)intellectualprogressspirit정신영혼기분마음(특정한 유형의)사람(→free spirit)anima[UC]영혼정신생명[the ~][심리]아니마((남성의 여성적 특성, cf. ANIMUS 3))Psyche[p~; the ~, one’s ~] (육체와 대비하여) 영혼, 정신(cf. CORPUS)심리 정신, 프시케Geist(철학의) 정신, 영혼; 지적 감수성, 지적 정열Maldek영구파문永久破門jiva영혼힌두교대아(大我)(Atman)의특정한표현으로생각되는개개의영혼자이나교비영혼(ajira)에대해개
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The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contested. Pagan did contest but its army was driven back at the frontier by the Mongol Army in 1277–78. After a brief lull, Kublai Khan in 1281 turned his attention to Southeast Asia, demanding tribute from Pagan, the Khmer Empire, Đại Việt and Champa. When the Burmese king again refused, the emperor ordered an invasion of northern Burma. Two dry season campaigns (1283–1285) later, the Mongols had occupied down to Tagaung and Hanlin, forcing the Burmese king to flee to Lower Burma. The Mongols organized northern Burma as the province of Zhengmian. Ceasefire negotiations began in 1285, and ended with Narathihapate finally agreeing to submit in June 1286. The Burmese embassy, received by the emperor in Beijing in January 1287, agreed to a treaty that acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mongol Empire over the Pagan Empire and annual payments in taxes to the Yunnan government in exchange for the evacuation of Mongol troops from northern Burma. But the treaty never really took effect as Narathihapate was assassinated in July 1287, and no authority who could honor the treaty emerged. The Mongol command at Yunnan now deemed the imperial order to withdraw void, and ordered an invasion of central Burma. They may not have reached Pagan, and even if they did, after having suffered heavy casualties, they returned to Tagaung. The Pagan Empire disintegrated and anarchy ensued. The Mongols, who probably preferred the situation, did nothing to restore order in the next ten years. In March 1297, they accepted the voluntary submission of King Kyawswa of Pagan although he controlled little beyond the capital city of Pagan (Bagan). But Kyawswa was overthrown nine months later, and the Mongols were forced to intervene, leading to their second invasion in 1300–01. Marco Polo reported the first invasions (1277–87) in his travelogue, Il Milione. The Burmese referred to the invaders as the Taruk (after the central Asian Turkic troops that largely made up the Mongol invasion army); today, the term Taruk (တရုတ်) refers to the Han Chinese instead. King Narathihapate is unkindly remembered in Burmese history as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who Fled from the Taruk").[2] Background Pagan and Dali Pagan Empire during Sithu II's reign. Burmese chronicles also claim Kengtung and Chiang Mai. Core areas shown in darker yellow. Peripheral areas in light yellow. Dali Kingdom c. mid-12th century In the 13th century, the Pagan Empire, along with the Khmer Empire, was one of the two main empires in mainland Southeast Asia.[3] For much of its history, Pagan's neighbor to the northeast was not China but the independent Dali Kingdom and its predecessor Nanzhao, both with Dali as their capital city. Dali-based kingdoms were a power in their own right, at times allying themselves with the Tibetan Empire to their west and at other times with China's Tang and Song dynasties. Indeed, Nanzhao's mounted armies ventured deep into what is today Burma and may have been behind the founding of the medieval city of Pagan and the Pagan Dynasty itself.[4] Between the newly conquered Mongol territory and Pagan were a wide swath of borderlands stretching from present-day Dehong, Baoshan and Lincang prefectures in Yunnan as well as the Wa and Palaung regions (presumably in present-day northern Shan State),[note 2] which Pagan and Dali had both claimed and exercised overlapping spheres of influence.[5] Then as now, the borderlands mostly consist of forbidding terrains of high mountain ranges.[6] Mongol conquest of Dali The Mongol Empire first arrived at the doorstep of the Pagan Empire in 1252 by invading the Dali Kingdom in its attempt to outflank Song China. The Mongol armies captured the capital, Dali, on 7 January 1253, and went on to pacify much of the kingdom by 1257.[7] The arrival of the Mongols did not initially upset the existing order at the borderlands as the Mongols were intent on finishing off the Song. For the next dozen years, they consolidated their hold over the newly conquered land, which not only provided them with a base from which to attack the Song from the rear but also was strategically located on the trade routes from China to Burma and India. The Mongols set up military garrisons, manned mostly by Turkic-speaking Muslims from Central Asia, in 37 circuits of the former Dali Kingdom.[8] Decline of Pagan By then, the Pagan Empire, despite outward appearances of calmness, had been in long and slow decline since the early 13th century. The continuous growth of tax-free religious wealth had greatly reduced the tax base of the kingdom. The crown had lost resources needed to retain the loyalty of courtiers and military servicemen, inviting a vicious circle of internal disorders and external challenges.[9] Although it was able to put down the first batch of serious rebellions in 1258–60 in South Arakan and Martaban (Mottama), the decline continued. On the eve of the Mongol invasions, between one and two-thirds of Upper Burma's cultivable land had been donated to religion. The crown's ability to mobilize defenses was in serious jeopardy.[9] Prelude to war Bagan plains today First Mongol mission (1271–1272) The period of calm for Pagan ended in the early 1270s. By then, the Song were on the ropes, and Emperor Kublai Khan, who officially founded the Yuan dynasty on 18 December 1271, sought to cut off the retreat of Song refugees in all directions.[10] In Pagan's case, he had ordered the Mongol governor of Dali to tighten control of the borderlands, and in January 1271[11] to send a mission to Pagan to demand tribute.[12] The tribute he demanded was nominal. Given his higher priority preoccupations elsewhere, the emperor was not looking to replace the regime at Pagan.[12] At the border, the ruler of the Wa and Palaung regions submitted to the Mongols.[5] When the Mongol envoys led by Qidai Tuoyin showed up,[11] the Pagan court led by Chief Minister Ananda Pyissi was well aware of the military power of the Mongols and advised King Narathihapate to use diplomacy. The king was furious at the demand and kept the Mongol envoys waiting for weeks. The court finally devised a compromise: the envoys were sent back without ever seeing the king. Accompanying them was a Burmese envoy who carried a letter expressing friendly sentiments and the Burmese king's wish to one day worship a Buddha tooth at Beijing.[12] The king then promptly ordered an expedition, which retook the rebellious borderland regions in April 1272.[11] The rebel leader A-Pi (အပိ) was brought back to Pagan. Dali relayed the news to Beijing but did not carry out any military action.[5] Second Mongol mission (1273) At Beijing, Kublai Khan, who was preparing an invasion of Japan, decided against a war with Pagan—for the time being. On 3 March 1273, he sent a 4-member delegation led by an imperial ambassador, the First Secretary to the Board Rites, to Pagan.[5][12] The delegation carried a letter from the emperor. The letter says:[12] "If you have finally decided to fulfill your duties towards the All-Highest, send one of your brothers or senior ministers, to show men that all the world is linked with Us, and enter into a perpetual alliance. This will add to your reputation, and be in your own interests; for if it comes to war, who will be the victor? Ponder well, O king, Our words." This time, the Burmese king received the imperial envoys but still refused to submit. The Burmese chronicles say that the king was so insulted that he had the envoys executed,[13] although both Burmese inscriptional evidence and Yuan records indicate to the contrary.[5][11] At any rate, the imperial envoys did not return to Yunnan in due time. The newly formed Yunnan government sent another delegation to investigate the whereabouts of the delegation, but the delegation could not reach Pagan because of an ongoing rebellion en route.[14] Mongol consolidation of borderlands (1275–1276) Meanwhile, in 1274, the former Dali Kingdom was officially reorganized as the province of Yunnan, with Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar as governor.[note 3] In May 1275,[11] the governor sent a report to the emperor stating that the embassy had not returned;[note 4] that the Burmese evidently had no intention of submitting; and that war was the only way forward.[5][15] But the emperor rejected an outright invasion. Just coming off a disastrous Japanese campaign, the emperor was unwilling to commit the central government troops to what he considered a low priority affair. He was now focused on delivering the final blow against the Song; the emperor ordered the Yunnan provincial army to secure the borderlands in order to block the escape path of the Song refugees. He also sanctioned a limited border war if Pagan contested the takeover.[10][15] As planned, the Yunnan army proceeded to consolidate the borderlands in 1275–76. Elsewhere, the main Mongol armies had captured most of the Song territory by 1276. By 1277, at least one Burmese vassal state named "Gold Teeth" (modern Yingjiang) had submitted to the Mongols.[note 5] Like in 1272, the Burmese government responded by sending an army to reclaim the rebellious state; but unlike in 1272, the Mongols had posted a sizable garrison there.[5][15] Though it was ultimately under Mongol command, many of the officers and most of the soldiers of the garrison were Turkic-speaking peoples or people from the further west: Turks from Samarkand, Bukhara, Merv and Nishapur, but also captive soldiers from the Khwarazmid empire, the Kipchaks, and even Bulgars from the lower Volga.[16] Border war (1277–1278) Mongol invasions 1277–87 Mongol mounted archer What followed was a border war in 1277–1278. It was reported mainly in the Yuan dynasty chronicle and the travelogue of Marco Polo.[note 6] Although the Burmese chronicles have no record of the border war, a 1278 Burmese inscription mentions the army's defeat at Ngasaunggyan.[5] The Mongol accounts of the border war contain certain errors of location and numbers although the overall narrative is probably accurate.[note 7] Battle of Ngasaunggyan Main article: Battle of Ngasaunggyan According to the Yuan dynasty chronicle and Marco Polo's accounts, a Burmese army "invaded" the Mongol territory of Gold Teeth, and was defeated by the Mongol army in April 1277. The battle took place either at the Vochang valley (in present-day Baoshan Prefecture) or 110 km southwest at Kanngai (present-day Yingjiang, Dehong Prefecture), which the Burmese called Ngasaunggyan.[note 8] The Yuan Chronicle reports that only 700 men defeated a Burmese army of 40,000 to 50,000 with 10,000 horses and 800 elephants. It also reports only one Mongol was killed, in trying to catch an elephant.[17][18] According to Marco Polo, the Mongol army consisted of 12,000 mounted archers, and the Burmese army numbered 60,000 men with 2,000 elephants, "on each of which was set a tower of timber, well-framed and strong, and carrying from 12 to 16 well-armed fighting men."[17][19] Even then, the 40,000 to 60,000 figures of the Burmese army strength were likely eye estimates and may still be too high; the Mongols may have erred "on the side of generosity" not to "diminish their glory in defeating superior numbers."[20] According to Marco Polo's account, in the early stages of the battle, the Turkish and Mongol horsemen "took such fright at the sight of the elephants that they would not be got to face the foe, but always swerved and turned back," while the Burmese forces pressed on. But the Mongol commander Huthukh[note 9] did not panic; he ordered his troops to dismount, and from the cover of the nearby treelines, aim their bows directly at the advancing elephants. The Mongol archers' arrows threw the animals into such pain that they fled.[19] Raid of Kaungsin The Mongol army pressed on after the monsoon season. In the following dry season of 1277–78, c. December 1277, a Mongol army of 3,800 men led by Nasr al-Din, son of Gov. Sayyid Ajjal, advanced to Kaungsin, which defended the Bhamo Pass.[14][21] They occupied the fort and destroyed a large number of abandoned stockades. But they found the heat excessive and returned.[22] Interlude (1278–1283) Despite the Mongol military success, the control of the borderlands remained contested. Pagan did not relinquish its claim to the frontier regions, and the Burmese, apparently taking advantage of Mongol preoccupations elsewhere, rebuilt their forts at Kaungsin and Ngasaunggyan later in 1278, posting permanent garrisons commanded by Einda Pyissi.[23] But their control was short-lived. The Great Khan's attention turned to Southeast Asia once more in 1281.[24] He had mixed success: his vaunted forces finished off the last of the Song in 1279 but had again failed to take Japan in 1281. That year, the Mongol emperor sent another mission to Pagan, demanding tribute yet again. The Burmese king was to send his ten senior ministers accompanied by one thousand cavalry officers to the emperor's court.[25] (With Champa, the emperor summoned the king of Champa himself to Beijing.[24]) At Pagan, Narathihapate deliberated with his court for an appropriate response but ultimately refused to submit. The Burmese court may have been counting on another limited border war but the emperor now ordered an invasion of northern Burma.[14] He also ordered an invasion of Champa, whose king too had refused to submit.[24] Throughout 1282, the Mongol command made preparations for the upcoming invasions of Champa and northern Burma. The objective of the Burma campaign was to take over northern Burma but no further; the emperor did not sanction an attack on Pagan itself.[26] At least one army consisted of 14,000 men of the erstwhile Khwarezmid Empire under the command of Yalu Beg was sent to Yunnan to reinforce the Burma invasion force, which again was made up of Turks and other central Asians.[16] On the Burmese side, the king managed to raise an army although given his low standing with his vassals, he probably could not have raised a large one. By mid-1283, a Burmese army led by generals Ananda Pyissi and Yanda Pyissi was deployed at a fort at Ngasaunggyan.[13] Invasion (1283–1285) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Battle of Ngasaunggyan (1283) The invasion began on 22 September 1283. Prince Sangqudar was the commander-in-chief of the invasion force; his deputies were Vice Governor Taipn, and commander Yagan Tegin.[27] The Mongol armies marched to the border in two columns. One column advanced along the Taping River using over 200 boats; the other proceeded by land and joined the first column at the Burmese fort at Ngasaunggyan.[28] The Burmese chronicles report an overwhelming number of Mongol forces laying siege to the fort although their numbers are greatly exaggerated. (The chronicles say that the Burmese army numbered 400,000 men while the Mongol army numbered 20 million men and 6 million horses.)[13] The Burmese withstood the siege for over two months but the fort fell on 3 December 1283.[5][14] Invasion of northern Burma The defeat at Ngasaunggyan broke the back of Burmese defenses. The Burmese army lost several thousand men as well as senior commanders. Kaungsin, the next fort in line, fell just six days later on 9 December 1283.[29] The Mongol sources say that the Burmese lost 10,000 men at Kaungsin.[22] The Mongol armies pushed farther south into the Irrawaddy valley. They took the ancient Burmese capital of Tagaung, about 380 km north of Pagan on 5 February 1284.[30] There, the invaders paused their advance. They "found the heat of the searing Irrawaddy valley excessive", and evacuated Tagaung, allowing the Burmese to return to Tagaung on 10 May 1284.[31] But the Mongol army renewed their offensive in the following dry season. They retook Tagaung, and defeated another Burmese stand south of Tagaung, probably near Hanlin, on 26 January 1285, opening the way to Pagan, about 270 km south.[32][33] After the defeat, the king panicked, and fled to Lower Burma.[29] The evacuation proved premature. The Mongol forces did not advance on Pagan as it was not part of their invasion plan.[26] The country fell into chaos. In Lower Burma, the king found himself isolated, let alone plan a counterattack. Although the king's three sons ruled the nearby regions (Bassein (Pathein), Prome (Pyay), and Dala-Twante), the king did not trust any of them, and he and his court settled at Hlegya, west of Prome.[34] Without the full support of his sons, the presence of the king and his small army impressed no one. A usurper named Wareru seized the southern port city of Martaban (Mottama) by killing its Pagan-appointed governor.[25] Gov. Akhamaman of Pegu also revolted; the king managed to send two small expeditions to Pegu but they both failed. Now, the entire eastern half of Lower Burma (Pegu and Martaban) was in open revolt.[35] Peace negotiations (1285–1287) Kublai Khan, founder and first emperor of the Yuan dynasty Ceasefire Given his precarious position, Narathihapate decided to buy time, and sue for peace with the Mongols.[36] In November/December 1285,[11][31] the king ordered his generals Ananda Pyissi and Maha Bo to enter into ceasefire negotiations.[note 10] The Mongol commanders at Hanlin, who had organized northern Burma as a protectorate named Zhengmian (Chinese: 征緬; Wade–Giles: Cheng-Mien),[note 11] agreed to a ceasefire but insisted on a full submission. They repeated their 1281 demand that the Burmese king send a formal delegation to the emperor.[5][29] The two sides had reached a tentative agreement by 3 March 1286,[note 12] which calls for a full submission of the Pagan Empire, and central Burma to be organized as the province of Mianzhong (Chinese: 緬中; Wade–Giles: Mien-Chung). After a long deliberation, the king agreed to submit but wanted the Mongol troops to withdraw. In June 2010, he sent an embassy led by Shin Ditha Pamauk, a learned monk, to the emperor's court.[34] Treaty of Beijing In January 1287, the embassy arrived at Beijing, and was received by the Yuan emperor. The Burmese delegation formally acknowledged Mongol suzerainty of their kingdom, and agreed to pay annual tribute tied to the agricultural output of the country.[5] (Indeed, the tribute was no longer nominal.) In exchange, the emperor agreed to withdraw his troops.[29] For the emperor, the Burma campaign was the only bright spot; his other Southeast Asian expeditions had gone badly. He did not want to invest more troops pacify the rest of the kingdom. He preferred a vassal ruler. The Burmese embassy arrived back at Hlegya in May 1287, and reported the terms to the king.[34] Breakdown But the agreement broke down a month later. In late June, the defeated king and his small retinue left their temporary capital for Pagan. But on 1 July 1287, King Narathihapate was captured en route and assassinated by his second son Thihathu, the Viceroy of Prome.[37] Anarchy ensued. Each region in the country which had not revolted broke away. No successor to Narathihapate, who could honor and enforce the terms of the treaty of Beijing, emerged. Indeed, a king would not emerge until May 1289.[38] Mongol last push for Pagan (1287) Given the chaos, the governor of Yunnan ignored the imperial orders of evacuation. The Mongol army commanded by Prince Ye-sin Timour, a grandson of the emperor, marched south toward Pagan.[29] According to mainstream traditional (colonial-era) scholarship, the Mongol army ignored the imperial orders to evacuate; fought its way down to Pagan with the loss of 7000 men; occupied the city; and sent out detachments to receive homage, one of which reached south of Prome.[39] But not all colonial period scholars agreed with the assessment as none of the contemporary Mongol/Chinese records specifically mentioned the conquest of Pagan or the temporary completeness of the conquest.[40] Recent research shows that the Mongol forces most probably never reached Pagan.[41][42] They were held at bay by the Burmese defenses led by commanders Athinkhaya, Yazathingyan and Thihathu, and probably never got closer than 160 km north of Pagan.[36][41] (An inscription dated 16 February 1293 by the three brothers claimed that they defeated the Mongol army.[43][44]) Even if the Mongols did reach Pagan, the damage they inflicted was probably minimal.[45] At any rate, the Mongol army suffered heavy casualties, and retreated north to Tagaung. They remained there as the treaty was now void.[38] Aftermath The disintegration of the Pagan Empire was now complete. But the Mongols refused to fill in the power vacuum they had created. They would send no more expeditions to restore order. The emperor apparently had no interest in committing troops that would be required to pacify the fragmented country. Indeed, his real aim all along may have been "to keep the entire region of Southeast Asia broken and fragmented."[46] It would be another two years until one of Narathihapate's sons, Kyawswa, emerged as king of Pagan in May 1289. But the new "king" controlled just a small area around the capital, and had no real army. The real power in central Burma now rested with the three commander brothers.[43] The uneasy arrangement would persist until 1297. The Mongols continued to occupy northern Burma to Tagaung as the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien) but ended the fictional central Burma province of Mianzhong on 18 August 1290.[29] Meanwhile, the power struggle in central Burma continued with the three brothers blatantly consolidating support. To check their rising power, Kyawswa submitted to the Mongols in January 1297, and was recognized by the Yuan emperor Temür Khan as King of Pagan on 20 March 1297. The emperor also gave Chinese titles to the brothers as subordinates of Kyawswa. The brothers resented the new arrangement as it directly reduced their power. On 17 December 1297, the three brothers overthrew Kyawswa, and founded the Myinsaing Kingdom.[47][48] The dethronement forced the Mongol government to intervene again, leading to the second Mongol invasion of Burma (1300–01). The invasion failed. Two years later, on 4 April 1303, the Mongols abolished the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien), evacuated Tagaung, and returned to Yunnan.[38] Legacy Burma c. 1450 with Ava at its peak, nearer Shan states paid tribute to Ava The war was one of several near simultaneous wars waged by the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century. Though it was never more than a minor frontier war to the Mongols, the war set off a series of enduring developments in Burma. The invasions ushered in a period of political fragmentation, and the rise of Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. Age of political fragmentation The immediate result of the war was the collapse of the Pagan Empire. However, the war merely accelerated the collapse but did not cause it.[49] Pagan's disintegration was "in fact more prolonged and agonized."[45] The kingdom had been in long gradual decline since the early 13th century. Had Pagan possessed a stronger central government, the collapse could have been temporary, and the country “could have risen again”.[50] But the dynasty could not recover, and because the Mongols refused to fill the power vacuum, no viable center emerged in the immediate aftermath.[49] As a result, several minor states fought it out for supremacy for the better part of the 14th century. It was only in the late 14th century that two relatively strong powers emerged in the Irrawaddy basin, restoring some semblance of normalcy.[note 13] The vast region surrounding the Irrawaddy valley would continue to be made up of several small Tai-Shan states well into the 16th century.[51] Rise of Tai-Shan states Perhaps the most enduring legacy of the Mongol invasions was the emergence of Tai-Shan states in mainland Southeast Asia. The Tai-Shan people who came down with the Mongol invasions stayed. By the early 14th century, several Tai-Shan states had come to dominate a vast region from present-day Assam to present-day northern and eastern Myanmar to northern and central Thailand and Laos. Their rise was encouraged by the Mongols, who viewed the states as a useful buffer between Yunnan and the rest of Southeast Asia. The Mongols, who were still trying to incorporate Yunnan into the central administration, were unwilling or unable to make necessary sustained investments to bring the vast regions south of Yunnan into the fold. (The integration of Yunnan itself into “China Proper” was to take several more centuries, and continues to today.[16]) As such, from the newly formed Tai-Shan states in western and central Southeast Asia to Dai Viet and Champa in eastern Southeast Asia, the Mongols elected to receive nominal tribute.[39][52] Though the rulers of these states were technically governors of the Yuan government, they were the native chieftains, “who would have ruled there in any case, and they did as they pleased.”[53] Arrival of China on the Burmese border The war also marked the arrival of China at the doorstep of Burma. The old Dali Kingdom, known to the Burmese as Gandalarit (ဂန္တလရာဇ်, after Gandhara Raj)[54] was now a Mongol Chinese province. (The Burmese now called the new powers at Yunnan "Taruk" after the Turkic-speaking soldiers of Yunnan. Over the years, the term Taruk came to be used to refer to the Han Chinese. Today, King Narathihapate is remembered as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who fled from the Taruk [Chinese]).[55][56]) From a geopolitical standpoint, the Mongol–Chinese presence in Yunnan pushed the Shan migrations in the direction of Burma (and parts of the Khmer Empire).[57] The raids by various Shan states into Upper Burma would continue until the mid-16th century.[58] Modern relations During the official visit by the Mongolian President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj to Myanmar in November 2013, Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy, said this was the first ever Mongol mission since the Mongols came 730 years earlier.[59]

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 The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contest
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Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations. Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20] Background See also: Mongol conquest of China The conquest of Yunnan Dali and Dai Viet in 1142 Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22] When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23] In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26] As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26] Mongol approach to Đại Việt At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27] The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4] First invasion of Đại Việt (1258) First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Mongol forces In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4] Campaign See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll 13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33] Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30] One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39] The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39] Invasion of Champa (1283) Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below. Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn) vte Champa Wars Background and diplomacy With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45] A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47] Campaign Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10] As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51] The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50] Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285) King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293 Interlude (1260–1284) Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above. In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54] In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38] In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66] War Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285) Mongol advance (January – May 1285) Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18 February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11] Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g] Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68] Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285) Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties. Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare. In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68] Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76] Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288) Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288) Background and preparations In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81] In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9] Campaign Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288) Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam Bạch Đằng River The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77] In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79] Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84] At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g] Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86] Aftermath Yuan dynasty The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2] Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91] Đại Việt Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87] In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19] Champa The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century. Transmission of gunpowder Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97] Legacy Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99] Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

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 Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and
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