The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contested. Pagan did contest but its army was driven back at the frontier by the Mongol Army in 1277–78. After a brief lull, Kublai Khan in 1281 turned his attention to Southeast Asia, demanding tribute from Pagan, the Khmer Empire, Đại Việt and Champa. When the Burmese king again refused, the emperor ordered an invasion of northern Burma. Two dry season campaigns (1283–1285) later, the Mongols had occupied down to Tagaung and Hanlin, forcing the Burmese king to flee to Lower Burma. The Mongols organized northern Burma as the province of Zhengmian. Ceasefire negotiations began in 1285, and ended with Narathihapate finally agreeing to submit in June 1286. The Burmese embassy, received by the emperor in Beijing in January 1287, agreed to a treaty that acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mongol Empire over the Pagan Empire and annual payments in taxes to the Yunnan government in exchange for the evacuation of Mongol troops from northern Burma. But the treaty never really took effect as Narathihapate was assassinated in July 1287, and no authority who could honor the treaty emerged. The Mongol command at Yunnan now deemed the imperial order to withdraw void, and ordered an invasion of central Burma. They may not have reached Pagan, and even if they did, after having suffered heavy casualties, they returned to Tagaung. The Pagan Empire disintegrated and anarchy ensued. The Mongols, who probably preferred the situation, did nothing to restore order in the next ten years. In March 1297, they accepted the voluntary submission of King Kyawswa of Pagan although he controlled little beyond the capital city of Pagan (Bagan). But Kyawswa was overthrown nine months later, and the Mongols were forced to intervene, leading to their second invasion in 1300–01. Marco Polo reported the first invasions (1277–87) in his travelogue, Il Milione. The Burmese referred to the invaders as the Taruk (after the central Asian Turkic troops that largely made up the Mongol invasion army); today, the term Taruk (တရုတ်) refers to the Han Chinese instead. King Narathihapate is unkindly remembered in Burmese history as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who Fled from the Taruk").[2] Background Pagan and Dali Pagan Empire during Sithu II's reign. Burmese chronicles also claim Kengtung and Chiang Mai. Core areas shown in darker yellow. Peripheral areas in light yellow. Dali Kingdom c. mid-12th century In the 13th century, the Pagan Empire, along with the Khmer Empire, was one of the two main empires in mainland Southeast Asia.[3] For much of its history, Pagan's neighbor to the northeast was not China but the independent Dali Kingdom and its predecessor Nanzhao, both with Dali as their capital city. Dali-based kingdoms were a power in their own right, at times allying themselves with the Tibetan Empire to their west and at other times with China's Tang and Song dynasties. Indeed, Nanzhao's mounted armies ventured deep into what is today Burma and may have been behind the founding of the medieval city of Pagan and the Pagan Dynasty itself.[4] Between the newly conquered Mongol territory and Pagan were a wide swath of borderlands stretching from present-day Dehong, Baoshan and Lincang prefectures in Yunnan as well as the Wa and Palaung regions (presumably in present-day northern Shan State),[note 2] which Pagan and Dali had both claimed and exercised overlapping spheres of influence.[5] Then as now, the borderlands mostly consist of forbidding terrains of high mountain ranges.[6] Mongol conquest of Dali The Mongol Empire first arrived at the doorstep of the Pagan Empire in 1252 by invading the Dali Kingdom in its attempt to outflank Song China. The Mongol armies captured the capital, Dali, on 7 January 1253, and went on to pacify much of the kingdom by 1257.[7] The arrival of the Mongols did not initially upset the existing order at the borderlands as the Mongols were intent on finishing off the Song. For the next dozen years, they consolidated their hold over the newly conquered land, which not only provided them with a base from which to attack the Song from the rear but also was strategically located on the trade routes from China to Burma and India. The Mongols set up military garrisons, manned mostly by Turkic-speaking Muslims from Central Asia, in 37 circuits of the former Dali Kingdom.[8] Decline of Pagan By then, the Pagan Empire, despite outward appearances of calmness, had been in long and slow decline since the early 13th century. The continuous growth of tax-free religious wealth had greatly reduced the tax base of the kingdom. The crown had lost resources needed to retain the loyalty of courtiers and military servicemen, inviting a vicious circle of internal disorders and external challenges.[9] Although it was able to put down the first batch of serious rebellions in 1258–60 in South Arakan and Martaban (Mottama), the decline continued. On the eve of the Mongol invasions, between one and two-thirds of Upper Burma's cultivable land had been donated to religion. The crown's ability to mobilize defenses was in serious jeopardy.[9] Prelude to war Bagan plains today First Mongol mission (1271–1272) The period of calm for Pagan ended in the early 1270s. By then, the Song were on the ropes, and Emperor Kublai Khan, who officially founded the Yuan dynasty on 18 December 1271, sought to cut off the retreat of Song refugees in all directions.[10] In Pagan's case, he had ordered the Mongol governor of Dali to tighten control of the borderlands, and in January 1271[11] to send a mission to Pagan to demand tribute.[12] The tribute he demanded was nominal. Given his higher priority preoccupations elsewhere, the emperor was not looking to replace the regime at Pagan.[12] At the border, the ruler of the Wa and Palaung regions submitted to the Mongols.[5] When the Mongol envoys led by Qidai Tuoyin showed up,[11] the Pagan court led by Chief Minister Ananda Pyissi was well aware of the military power of the Mongols and advised King Narathihapate to use diplomacy. The king was furious at the demand and kept the Mongol envoys waiting for weeks. The court finally devised a compromise: the envoys were sent back without ever seeing the king. Accompanying them was a Burmese envoy who carried a letter expressing friendly sentiments and the Burmese king's wish to one day worship a Buddha tooth at Beijing.[12] The king then promptly ordered an expedition, which retook the rebellious borderland regions in April 1272.[11] The rebel leader A-Pi (အပိ) was brought back to Pagan. Dali relayed the news to Beijing but did not carry out any military action.[5] Second Mongol mission (1273) At Beijing, Kublai Khan, who was preparing an invasion of Japan, decided against a war with Pagan—for the time being. On 3 March 1273, he sent a 4-member delegation led by an imperial ambassador, the First Secretary to the Board Rites, to Pagan.[5][12] The delegation carried a letter from the emperor. The letter says:[12] "If you have finally decided to fulfill your duties towards the All-Highest, send one of your brothers or senior ministers, to show men that all the world is linked with Us, and enter into a perpetual alliance. This will add to your reputation, and be in your own interests; for if it comes to war, who will be the victor? Ponder well, O king, Our words." This time, the Burmese king received the imperial envoys but still refused to submit. The Burmese chronicles say that the king was so insulted that he had the envoys executed,[13] although both Burmese inscriptional evidence and Yuan records indicate to the contrary.[5][11] At any rate, the imperial envoys did not return to Yunnan in due time. The newly formed Yunnan government sent another delegation to investigate the whereabouts of the delegation, but the delegation could not reach Pagan because of an ongoing rebellion en route.[14] Mongol consolidation of borderlands (1275–1276) Meanwhile, in 1274, the former Dali Kingdom was officially reorganized as the province of Yunnan, with Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar as governor.[note 3] In May 1275,[11] the governor sent a report to the emperor stating that the embassy had not returned;[note 4] that the Burmese evidently had no intention of submitting; and that war was the only way forward.[5][15] But the emperor rejected an outright invasion. Just coming off a disastrous Japanese campaign, the emperor was unwilling to commit the central government troops to what he considered a low priority affair. He was now focused on delivering the final blow against the Song; the emperor ordered the Yunnan provincial army to secure the borderlands in order to block the escape path of the Song refugees. He also sanctioned a limited border war if Pagan contested the takeover.[10][15] As planned, the Yunnan army proceeded to consolidate the borderlands in 1275–76. Elsewhere, the main Mongol armies had captured most of the Song territory by 1276. By 1277, at least one Burmese vassal state named "Gold Teeth" (modern Yingjiang) had submitted to the Mongols.[note 5] Like in 1272, the Burmese government responded by sending an army to reclaim the rebellious state; but unlike in 1272, the Mongols had posted a sizable garrison there.[5][15] Though it was ultimately under Mongol command, many of the officers and most of the soldiers of the garrison were Turkic-speaking peoples or people from the further west: Turks from Samarkand, Bukhara, Merv and Nishapur, but also captive soldiers from the Khwarazmid empire, the Kipchaks, and even Bulgars from the lower Volga.[16] Border war (1277–1278) Mongol invasions 1277–87 Mongol mounted archer What followed was a border war in 1277–1278. It was reported mainly in the Yuan dynasty chronicle and the travelogue of Marco Polo.[note 6] Although the Burmese chronicles have no record of the border war, a 1278 Burmese inscription mentions the army's defeat at Ngasaunggyan.[5] The Mongol accounts of the border war contain certain errors of location and numbers although the overall narrative is probably accurate.[note 7] Battle of Ngasaunggyan Main article: Battle of Ngasaunggyan According to the Yuan dynasty chronicle and Marco Polo's accounts, a Burmese army "invaded" the Mongol territory of Gold Teeth, and was defeated by the Mongol army in April 1277. The battle took place either at the Vochang valley (in present-day Baoshan Prefecture) or 110 km southwest at Kanngai (present-day Yingjiang, Dehong Prefecture), which the Burmese called Ngasaunggyan.[note 8] The Yuan Chronicle reports that only 700 men defeated a Burmese army of 40,000 to 50,000 with 10,000 horses and 800 elephants. It also reports only one Mongol was killed, in trying to catch an elephant.[17][18] According to Marco Polo, the Mongol army consisted of 12,000 mounted archers, and the Burmese army numbered 60,000 men with 2,000 elephants, "on each of which was set a tower of timber, well-framed and strong, and carrying from 12 to 16 well-armed fighting men."[17][19] Even then, the 40,000 to 60,000 figures of the Burmese army strength were likely eye estimates and may still be too high; the Mongols may have erred "on the side of generosity" not to "diminish their glory in defeating superior numbers."[20] According to Marco Polo's account, in the early stages of the battle, the Turkish and Mongol horsemen "took such fright at the sight of the elephants that they would not be got to face the foe, but always swerved and turned back," while the Burmese forces pressed on. But the Mongol commander Huthukh[note 9] did not panic; he ordered his troops to dismount, and from the cover of the nearby treelines, aim their bows directly at the advancing elephants. The Mongol archers' arrows threw the animals into such pain that they fled.[19] Raid of Kaungsin The Mongol army pressed on after the monsoon season. In the following dry season of 1277–78, c. December 1277, a Mongol army of 3,800 men led by Nasr al-Din, son of Gov. Sayyid Ajjal, advanced to Kaungsin, which defended the Bhamo Pass.[14][21] They occupied the fort and destroyed a large number of abandoned stockades. But they found the heat excessive and returned.[22] Interlude (1278–1283) Despite the Mongol military success, the control of the borderlands remained contested. Pagan did not relinquish its claim to the frontier regions, and the Burmese, apparently taking advantage of Mongol preoccupations elsewhere, rebuilt their forts at Kaungsin and Ngasaunggyan later in 1278, posting permanent garrisons commanded by Einda Pyissi.[23] But their control was short-lived. The Great Khan's attention turned to Southeast Asia once more in 1281.[24] He had mixed success: his vaunted forces finished off the last of the Song in 1279 but had again failed to take Japan in 1281. That year, the Mongol emperor sent another mission to Pagan, demanding tribute yet again. The Burmese king was to send his ten senior ministers accompanied by one thousand cavalry officers to the emperor's court.[25] (With Champa, the emperor summoned the king of Champa himself to Beijing.[24]) At Pagan, Narathihapate deliberated with his court for an appropriate response but ultimately refused to submit. The Burmese court may have been counting on another limited border war but the emperor now ordered an invasion of northern Burma.[14] He also ordered an invasion of Champa, whose king too had refused to submit.[24] Throughout 1282, the Mongol command made preparations for the upcoming invasions of Champa and northern Burma. The objective of the Burma campaign was to take over northern Burma but no further; the emperor did not sanction an attack on Pagan itself.[26] At least one army consisted of 14,000 men of the erstwhile Khwarezmid Empire under the command of Yalu Beg was sent to Yunnan to reinforce the Burma invasion force, which again was made up of Turks and other central Asians.[16] On the Burmese side, the king managed to raise an army although given his low standing with his vassals, he probably could not have raised a large one. By mid-1283, a Burmese army led by generals Ananda Pyissi and Yanda Pyissi was deployed at a fort at Ngasaunggyan.[13] Invasion (1283–1285) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Battle of Ngasaunggyan (1283) The invasion began on 22 September 1283. Prince Sangqudar was the commander-in-chief of the invasion force; his deputies were Vice Governor Taipn, and commander Yagan Tegin.[27] The Mongol armies marched to the border in two columns. One column advanced along the Taping River using over 200 boats; the other proceeded by land and joined the first column at the Burmese fort at Ngasaunggyan.[28] The Burmese chronicles report an overwhelming number of Mongol forces laying siege to the fort although their numbers are greatly exaggerated. (The chronicles say that the Burmese army numbered 400,000 men while the Mongol army numbered 20 million men and 6 million horses.)[13] The Burmese withstood the siege for over two months but the fort fell on 3 December 1283.[5][14] Invasion of northern Burma The defeat at Ngasaunggyan broke the back of Burmese defenses. The Burmese army lost several thousand men as well as senior commanders. Kaungsin, the next fort in line, fell just six days later on 9 December 1283.[29] The Mongol sources say that the Burmese lost 10,000 men at Kaungsin.[22] The Mongol armies pushed farther south into the Irrawaddy valley. They took the ancient Burmese capital of Tagaung, about 380 km north of Pagan on 5 February 1284.[30] There, the invaders paused their advance. They "found the heat of the searing Irrawaddy valley excessive", and evacuated Tagaung, allowing the Burmese to return to Tagaung on 10 May 1284.[31] But the Mongol army renewed their offensive in the following dry season. They retook Tagaung, and defeated another Burmese stand south of Tagaung, probably near Hanlin, on 26 January 1285, opening the way to Pagan, about 270 km south.[32][33] After the defeat, the king panicked, and fled to Lower Burma.[29] The evacuation proved premature. The Mongol forces did not advance on Pagan as it was not part of their invasion plan.[26] The country fell into chaos. In Lower Burma, the king found himself isolated, let alone plan a counterattack. Although the king's three sons ruled the nearby regions (Bassein (Pathein), Prome (Pyay), and Dala-Twante), the king did not trust any of them, and he and his court settled at Hlegya, west of Prome.[34] Without the full support of his sons, the presence of the king and his small army impressed no one. A usurper named Wareru seized the southern port city of Martaban (Mottama) by killing its Pagan-appointed governor.[25] Gov. Akhamaman of Pegu also revolted; the king managed to send two small expeditions to Pegu but they both failed. Now, the entire eastern half of Lower Burma (Pegu and Martaban) was in open revolt.[35] Peace negotiations (1285–1287) Kublai Khan, founder and first emperor of the Yuan dynasty Ceasefire Given his precarious position, Narathihapate decided to buy time, and sue for peace with the Mongols.[36] In November/December 1285,[11][31] the king ordered his generals Ananda Pyissi and Maha Bo to enter into ceasefire negotiations.[note 10] The Mongol commanders at Hanlin, who had organized northern Burma as a protectorate named Zhengmian (Chinese: 征緬; Wade–Giles: Cheng-Mien),[note 11] agreed to a ceasefire but insisted on a full submission. They repeated their 1281 demand that the Burmese king send a formal delegation to the emperor.[5][29] The two sides had reached a tentative agreement by 3 March 1286,[note 12] which calls for a full submission of the Pagan Empire, and central Burma to be organized as the province of Mianzhong (Chinese: 緬中; Wade–Giles: Mien-Chung). After a long deliberation, the king agreed to submit but wanted the Mongol troops to withdraw. In June 2010, he sent an embassy led by Shin Ditha Pamauk, a learned monk, to the emperor's court.[34] Treaty of Beijing In January 1287, the embassy arrived at Beijing, and was received by the Yuan emperor. The Burmese delegation formally acknowledged Mongol suzerainty of their kingdom, and agreed to pay annual tribute tied to the agricultural output of the country.[5] (Indeed, the tribute was no longer nominal.) In exchange, the emperor agreed to withdraw his troops.[29] For the emperor, the Burma campaign was the only bright spot; his other Southeast Asian expeditions had gone badly. He did not want to invest more troops pacify the rest of the kingdom. He preferred a vassal ruler. The Burmese embassy arrived back at Hlegya in May 1287, and reported the terms to the king.[34] Breakdown But the agreement broke down a month later. In late June, the defeated king and his small retinue left their temporary capital for Pagan. But on 1 July 1287, King Narathihapate was captured en route and assassinated by his second son Thihathu, the Viceroy of Prome.[37] Anarchy ensued. Each region in the country which had not revolted broke away. No successor to Narathihapate, who could honor and enforce the terms of the treaty of Beijing, emerged. Indeed, a king would not emerge until May 1289.[38] Mongol last push for Pagan (1287) Given the chaos, the governor of Yunnan ignored the imperial orders of evacuation. The Mongol army commanded by Prince Ye-sin Timour, a grandson of the emperor, marched south toward Pagan.[29] According to mainstream traditional (colonial-era) scholarship, the Mongol army ignored the imperial orders to evacuate; fought its way down to Pagan with the loss of 7000 men; occupied the city; and sent out detachments to receive homage, one of which reached south of Prome.[39] But not all colonial period scholars agreed with the assessment as none of the contemporary Mongol/Chinese records specifically mentioned the conquest of Pagan or the temporary completeness of the conquest.[40] Recent research shows that the Mongol forces most probably never reached Pagan.[41][42] They were held at bay by the Burmese defenses led by commanders Athinkhaya, Yazathingyan and Thihathu, and probably never got closer than 160 km north of Pagan.[36][41] (An inscription dated 16 February 1293 by the three brothers claimed that they defeated the Mongol army.[43][44]) Even if the Mongols did reach Pagan, the damage they inflicted was probably minimal.[45] At any rate, the Mongol army suffered heavy casualties, and retreated north to Tagaung. They remained there as the treaty was now void.[38] Aftermath The disintegration of the Pagan Empire was now complete. But the Mongols refused to fill in the power vacuum they had created. They would send no more expeditions to restore order. The emperor apparently had no interest in committing troops that would be required to pacify the fragmented country. Indeed, his real aim all along may have been "to keep the entire region of Southeast Asia broken and fragmented."[46] It would be another two years until one of Narathihapate's sons, Kyawswa, emerged as king of Pagan in May 1289. But the new "king" controlled just a small area around the capital, and had no real army. The real power in central Burma now rested with the three commander brothers.[43] The uneasy arrangement would persist until 1297. The Mongols continued to occupy northern Burma to Tagaung as the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien) but ended the fictional central Burma province of Mianzhong on 18 August 1290.[29] Meanwhile, the power struggle in central Burma continued with the three brothers blatantly consolidating support. To check their rising power, Kyawswa submitted to the Mongols in January 1297, and was recognized by the Yuan emperor Temür Khan as King of Pagan on 20 March 1297. The emperor also gave Chinese titles to the brothers as subordinates of Kyawswa. The brothers resented the new arrangement as it directly reduced their power. On 17 December 1297, the three brothers overthrew Kyawswa, and founded the Myinsaing Kingdom.[47][48] The dethronement forced the Mongol government to intervene again, leading to the second Mongol invasion of Burma (1300–01). The invasion failed. Two years later, on 4 April 1303, the Mongols abolished the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien), evacuated Tagaung, and returned to Yunnan.[38] Legacy Burma c. 1450 with Ava at its peak, nearer Shan states paid tribute to Ava The war was one of several near simultaneous wars waged by the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century. Though it was never more than a minor frontier war to the Mongols, the war set off a series of enduring developments in Burma. The invasions ushered in a period of political fragmentation, and the rise of Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. Age of political fragmentation The immediate result of the war was the collapse of the Pagan Empire. However, the war merely accelerated the collapse but did not cause it.[49] Pagan's disintegration was "in fact more prolonged and agonized."[45] The kingdom had been in long gradual decline since the early 13th century. Had Pagan possessed a stronger central government, the collapse could have been temporary, and the country “could have risen again”.[50] But the dynasty could not recover, and because the Mongols refused to fill the power vacuum, no viable center emerged in the immediate aftermath.[49] As a result, several minor states fought it out for supremacy for the better part of the 14th century. It was only in the late 14th century that two relatively strong powers emerged in the Irrawaddy basin, restoring some semblance of normalcy.[note 13] The vast region surrounding the Irrawaddy valley would continue to be made up of several small Tai-Shan states well into the 16th century.[51] Rise of Tai-Shan states Perhaps the most enduring legacy of the Mongol invasions was the emergence of Tai-Shan states in mainland Southeast Asia. The Tai-Shan people who came down with the Mongol invasions stayed. By the early 14th century, several Tai-Shan states had come to dominate a vast region from present-day Assam to present-day northern and eastern Myanmar to northern and central Thailand and Laos. Their rise was encouraged by the Mongols, who viewed the states as a useful buffer between Yunnan and the rest of Southeast Asia. The Mongols, who were still trying to incorporate Yunnan into the central administration, were unwilling or unable to make necessary sustained investments to bring the vast regions south of Yunnan into the fold. (The integration of Yunnan itself into “China Proper” was to take several more centuries, and continues to today.[16]) As such, from the newly formed Tai-Shan states in western and central Southeast Asia to Dai Viet and Champa in eastern Southeast Asia, the Mongols elected to receive nominal tribute.[39][52] Though the rulers of these states were technically governors of the Yuan government, they were the native chieftains, “who would have ruled there in any case, and they did as they pleased.”[53] Arrival of China on the Burmese border The war also marked the arrival of China at the doorstep of Burma. The old Dali Kingdom, known to the Burmese as Gandalarit (ဂန္တလရာဇ်, after Gandhara Raj)[54] was now a Mongol Chinese province. (The Burmese now called the new powers at Yunnan "Taruk" after the Turkic-speaking soldiers of Yunnan. Over the years, the term Taruk came to be used to refer to the Han Chinese. Today, King Narathihapate is remembered as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who fled from the Taruk [Chinese]).[55][56]) From a geopolitical standpoint, the Mongol–Chinese presence in Yunnan pushed the Shan migrations in the direction of Burma (and parts of the Khmer Empire).[57] The raids by various Shan states into Upper Burma would continue until the mid-16th century.[58] Modern relations During the official visit by the Mongolian President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj to Myanmar in November 2013, Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy, said this was the first ever Mongol mission since the Mongols came 730 years earlier.[59]

 The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia.


The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contested. Pagan did contest but its army was driven back at the frontier by the Mongol Army in 1277–78. After a brief lull, Kublai Khan in 1281 turned his attention to Southeast Asia, demanding tribute from Pagan, the Khmer Empire, Đại Việt and Champa. When the Burmese king again refused, the emperor ordered an invasion of northern Burma. Two dry season campaigns (1283–1285) later, the Mongols had occupied down to Tagaung and Hanlin, forcing the Burmese king to flee to Lower Burma. The Mongols organized northern Burma as the province of Zhengmian.


Ceasefire negotiations began in 1285, and ended with Narathihapate finally agreeing to submit in June 1286. The Burmese embassy, received by the emperor in Beijing in January 1287, agreed to a treaty that acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mongol Empire over the Pagan Empire and annual payments in taxes to the Yunnan government in exchange for the evacuation of Mongol troops from northern Burma. But the treaty never really took effect as Narathihapate was assassinated in July 1287, and no authority who could honor the treaty emerged. The Mongol command at Yunnan now deemed the imperial order to withdraw void, and ordered an invasion of central Burma. They may not have reached Pagan, and even if they did, after having suffered heavy casualties, they returned to Tagaung.


The Pagan Empire disintegrated and anarchy ensued. The Mongols, who probably preferred the situation, did nothing to restore order in the next ten years. In March 1297, they accepted the voluntary submission of King Kyawswa of Pagan although he controlled little beyond the capital city of Pagan (Bagan). But Kyawswa was overthrown nine months later, and the Mongols were forced to intervene, leading to their second invasion in 1300–01.


Marco Polo reported the first invasions (1277–87) in his travelogue, Il Milione. The Burmese referred to the invaders as the Taruk (after the central Asian Turkic troops that largely made up the Mongol invasion army); today, the term Taruk (တရုတ်) refers to the Han Chinese instead. King Narathihapate is unkindly remembered in Burmese history as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who Fled from the Taruk").[2]


Background

Pagan and Dali


Pagan Empire during Sithu II's reign. Burmese chronicles also claim Kengtung and Chiang Mai. Core areas shown in darker yellow. Peripheral areas in light yellow.


Dali Kingdom c. mid-12th century

In the 13th century, the Pagan Empire, along with the Khmer Empire, was one of the two main empires in mainland Southeast Asia.[3] For much of its history, Pagan's neighbor to the northeast was not China but the independent Dali Kingdom and its predecessor Nanzhao, both with Dali as their capital city. Dali-based kingdoms were a power in their own right, at times allying themselves with the Tibetan Empire to their west and at other times with China's Tang and Song dynasties. Indeed, Nanzhao's mounted armies ventured deep into what is today Burma and may have been behind the founding of the medieval city of Pagan and the Pagan Dynasty itself.[4]


Between the newly conquered Mongol territory and Pagan were a wide swath of borderlands stretching from present-day Dehong, Baoshan and Lincang prefectures in Yunnan as well as the Wa and Palaung regions (presumably in present-day northern Shan State),[note 2] which Pagan and Dali had both claimed and exercised overlapping spheres of influence.[5] Then as now, the borderlands mostly consist of forbidding terrains of high mountain ranges.[6]


Mongol conquest of Dali

The Mongol Empire first arrived at the doorstep of the Pagan Empire in 1252 by invading the Dali Kingdom in its attempt to outflank Song China. The Mongol armies captured the capital, Dali, on 7 January 1253, and went on to pacify much of the kingdom by 1257.[7]


The arrival of the Mongols did not initially upset the existing order at the borderlands as the Mongols were intent on finishing off the Song. For the next dozen years, they consolidated their hold over the newly conquered land, which not only provided them with a base from which to attack the Song from the rear but also was strategically located on the trade routes from China to Burma and India. The Mongols set up military garrisons, manned mostly by Turkic-speaking Muslims from Central Asia, in 37 circuits of the former Dali Kingdom.[8]


Decline of Pagan

By then, the Pagan Empire, despite outward appearances of calmness, had been in long and slow decline since the early 13th century. The continuous growth of tax-free religious wealth had greatly reduced the tax base of the kingdom. The crown had lost resources needed to retain the loyalty of courtiers and military servicemen, inviting a vicious circle of internal disorders and external challenges.[9] Although it was able to put down the first batch of serious rebellions in 1258–60 in South Arakan and Martaban (Mottama), the decline continued. On the eve of the Mongol invasions, between one and two-thirds of Upper Burma's cultivable land had been donated to religion. The crown's ability to mobilize defenses was in serious jeopardy.[9]


Prelude to war


Bagan plains today

First Mongol mission (1271–1272)

The period of calm for Pagan ended in the early 1270s. By then, the Song were on the ropes, and Emperor Kublai Khan, who officially founded the Yuan dynasty on 18 December 1271, sought to cut off the retreat of Song refugees in all directions.[10] In Pagan's case, he had ordered the Mongol governor of Dali to tighten control of the borderlands, and in January 1271[11] to send a mission to Pagan to demand tribute.[12] The tribute he demanded was nominal. Given his higher priority preoccupations elsewhere, the emperor was not looking to replace the regime at Pagan.[12] At the border, the ruler of the Wa and Palaung regions submitted to the Mongols.[5]


When the Mongol envoys led by Qidai Tuoyin showed up,[11] the Pagan court led by Chief Minister Ananda Pyissi was well aware of the military power of the Mongols and advised King Narathihapate to use diplomacy. The king was furious at the demand and kept the Mongol envoys waiting for weeks. The court finally devised a compromise: the envoys were sent back without ever seeing the king. Accompanying them was a Burmese envoy who carried a letter expressing friendly sentiments and the Burmese king's wish to one day worship a Buddha tooth at Beijing.[12] The king then promptly ordered an expedition, which retook the rebellious borderland regions in April 1272.[11] The rebel leader A-Pi (အပိ) was brought back to Pagan. Dali relayed the news to Beijing but did not carry out any military action.[5]


Second Mongol mission (1273)

At Beijing, Kublai Khan, who was preparing an invasion of Japan, decided against a war with Pagan—for the time being. On 3 March 1273, he sent a 4-member delegation led by an imperial ambassador, the First Secretary to the Board Rites, to Pagan.[5][12] The delegation carried a letter from the emperor. The letter says:[12]


"If you have finally decided to fulfill your duties towards the All-Highest, send one of your brothers or senior ministers, to show men that all the world is linked with Us, and enter into a perpetual alliance. This will add to your reputation, and be in your own interests; for if it comes to war, who will be the victor? Ponder well, O king, Our words."


This time, the Burmese king received the imperial envoys but still refused to submit. The Burmese chronicles say that the king was so insulted that he had the envoys executed,[13] although both Burmese inscriptional evidence and Yuan records indicate to the contrary.[5][11] At any rate, the imperial envoys did not return to Yunnan in due time. The newly formed Yunnan government sent another delegation to investigate the whereabouts of the delegation, but the delegation could not reach Pagan because of an ongoing rebellion en route.[14]


Mongol consolidation of borderlands (1275–1276)

Meanwhile, in 1274, the former Dali Kingdom was officially reorganized as the province of Yunnan, with Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar as governor.[note 3] In May 1275,[11] the governor sent a report to the emperor stating that the embassy had not returned;[note 4] that the Burmese evidently had no intention of submitting; and that war was the only way forward.[5][15]


But the emperor rejected an outright invasion. Just coming off a disastrous Japanese campaign, the emperor was unwilling to commit the central government troops to what he considered a low priority affair. He was now focused on delivering the final blow against the Song; the emperor ordered the Yunnan provincial army to secure the borderlands in order to block the escape path of the Song refugees. He also sanctioned a limited border war if Pagan contested the takeover.[10][15] As planned, the Yunnan army proceeded to consolidate the borderlands in 1275–76. Elsewhere, the main Mongol armies had captured most of the Song territory by 1276.


By 1277, at least one Burmese vassal state named "Gold Teeth" (modern Yingjiang) had submitted to the Mongols.[note 5] Like in 1272, the Burmese government responded by sending an army to reclaim the rebellious state; but unlike in 1272, the Mongols had posted a sizable garrison there.[5][15] Though it was ultimately under Mongol command, many of the officers and most of the soldiers of the garrison were Turkic-speaking peoples or people from the further west: Turks from Samarkand, Bukhara, Merv and Nishapur, but also captive soldiers from the Khwarazmid empire, the Kipchaks, and even Bulgars from the lower Volga.[16]


Border war (1277–1278)


Mongol invasions 1277–87


Mongol mounted archer

What followed was a border war in 1277–1278. It was reported mainly in the Yuan dynasty chronicle and the travelogue of Marco Polo.[note 6] Although the Burmese chronicles have no record of the border war, a 1278 Burmese inscription mentions the army's defeat at Ngasaunggyan.[5] The Mongol accounts of the border war contain certain errors of location and numbers although the overall narrative is probably accurate.[note 7]


Battle of Ngasaunggyan

Main article: Battle of Ngasaunggyan

According to the Yuan dynasty chronicle and Marco Polo's accounts, a Burmese army "invaded" the Mongol territory of Gold Teeth, and was defeated by the Mongol army in April 1277. The battle took place either at the Vochang valley (in present-day Baoshan Prefecture) or 110 km southwest at Kanngai (present-day Yingjiang, Dehong Prefecture), which the Burmese called Ngasaunggyan.[note 8]


The Yuan Chronicle reports that only 700 men defeated a Burmese army of 40,000 to 50,000 with 10,000 horses and 800 elephants. It also reports only one Mongol was killed, in trying to catch an elephant.[17][18] According to Marco Polo, the Mongol army consisted of 12,000 mounted archers, and the Burmese army numbered 60,000 men with 2,000 elephants, "on each of which was set a tower of timber, well-framed and strong, and carrying from 12 to 16 well-armed fighting men."[17][19] Even then, the 40,000 to 60,000 figures of the Burmese army strength were likely eye estimates and may still be too high; the Mongols may have erred "on the side of generosity" not to "diminish their glory in defeating superior numbers."[20]


According to Marco Polo's account, in the early stages of the battle, the Turkish and Mongol horsemen "took such fright at the sight of the elephants that they would not be got to face the foe, but always swerved and turned back," while the Burmese forces pressed on. But the Mongol commander Huthukh[note 9] did not panic; he ordered his troops to dismount, and from the cover of the nearby treelines, aim their bows directly at the advancing elephants. The Mongol archers' arrows threw the animals into such pain that they fled.[19]


Raid of Kaungsin

The Mongol army pressed on after the monsoon season. In the following dry season of 1277–78, c. December 1277, a Mongol army of 3,800 men led by Nasr al-Din, son of Gov. Sayyid Ajjal, advanced to Kaungsin, which defended the Bhamo Pass.[14][21] They occupied the fort and destroyed a large number of abandoned stockades. But they found the heat excessive and returned.[22]


Interlude (1278–1283)

Despite the Mongol military success, the control of the borderlands remained contested. Pagan did not relinquish its claim to the frontier regions, and the Burmese, apparently taking advantage of Mongol preoccupations elsewhere, rebuilt their forts at Kaungsin and Ngasaunggyan later in 1278, posting permanent garrisons commanded by Einda Pyissi.[23] But their control was short-lived. The Great Khan's attention turned to Southeast Asia once more in 1281.[24] He had mixed success: his vaunted forces finished off the last of the Song in 1279 but had again failed to take Japan in 1281. That year, the Mongol emperor sent another mission to Pagan, demanding tribute yet again. The Burmese king was to send his ten senior ministers accompanied by one thousand cavalry officers to the emperor's court.[25] (With Champa, the emperor summoned the king of Champa himself to Beijing.[24])


At Pagan, Narathihapate deliberated with his court for an appropriate response but ultimately refused to submit. The Burmese court may have been counting on another limited border war but the emperor now ordered an invasion of northern Burma.[14] He also ordered an invasion of Champa, whose king too had refused to submit.[24]


Throughout 1282, the Mongol command made preparations for the upcoming invasions of Champa and northern Burma. The objective of the Burma campaign was to take over northern Burma but no further; the emperor did not sanction an attack on Pagan itself.[26] At least one army consisted of 14,000 men of the erstwhile Khwarezmid Empire under the command of Yalu Beg was sent to Yunnan to reinforce the Burma invasion force, which again was made up of Turks and other central Asians.[16] On the Burmese side, the king managed to raise an army although given his low standing with his vassals, he probably could not have raised a large one. By mid-1283, a Burmese army led by generals Ananda Pyissi and Yanda Pyissi was deployed at a fort at Ngasaunggyan.[13]


Invasion (1283–1285)


Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot.

Battle of Ngasaunggyan (1283)

The invasion began on 22 September 1283. Prince Sangqudar was the commander-in-chief of the invasion force; his deputies were Vice Governor Taipn, and commander Yagan Tegin.[27] The Mongol armies marched to the border in two columns. One column advanced along the Taping River using over 200 boats; the other proceeded by land and joined the first column at the Burmese fort at Ngasaunggyan.[28] The Burmese chronicles report an overwhelming number of Mongol forces laying siege to the fort although their numbers are greatly exaggerated. (The chronicles say that the Burmese army numbered 400,000 men while the Mongol army numbered 20 million men and 6 million horses.)[13] The Burmese withstood the siege for over two months but the fort fell on 3 December 1283.[5][14]


Invasion of northern Burma

The defeat at Ngasaunggyan broke the back of Burmese defenses. The Burmese army lost several thousand men as well as senior commanders. Kaungsin, the next fort in line, fell just six days later on 9 December 1283.[29] The Mongol sources say that the Burmese lost 10,000 men at Kaungsin.[22] The Mongol armies pushed farther south into the Irrawaddy valley. They took the ancient Burmese capital of Tagaung, about 380 km north of Pagan on 5 February 1284.[30] There, the invaders paused their advance. They "found the heat of the searing Irrawaddy valley excessive", and evacuated Tagaung, allowing the Burmese to return to Tagaung on 10 May 1284.[31] But the Mongol army renewed their offensive in the following dry season. They retook Tagaung, and defeated another Burmese stand south of Tagaung, probably near Hanlin, on 26 January 1285, opening the way to Pagan, about 270 km south.[32][33] After the defeat, the king panicked, and fled to Lower Burma.[29] The evacuation proved premature. The Mongol forces did not advance on Pagan as it was not part of their invasion plan.[26]


The country fell into chaos. In Lower Burma, the king found himself isolated, let alone plan a counterattack. Although the king's three sons ruled the nearby regions (Bassein (Pathein), Prome (Pyay), and Dala-Twante), the king did not trust any of them, and he and his court settled at Hlegya, west of Prome.[34] Without the full support of his sons, the presence of the king and his small army impressed no one. A usurper named Wareru seized the southern port city of Martaban (Mottama) by killing its Pagan-appointed governor.[25] Gov. Akhamaman of Pegu also revolted; the king managed to send two small expeditions to Pegu but they both failed. Now, the entire eastern half of Lower Burma (Pegu and Martaban) was in open revolt.[35]


Peace negotiations (1285–1287)


Kublai Khan, founder and first emperor of the Yuan dynasty

Ceasefire

Given his precarious position, Narathihapate decided to buy time, and sue for peace with the Mongols.[36] In November/December 1285,[11][31] the king ordered his generals Ananda Pyissi and Maha Bo to enter into ceasefire negotiations.[note 10] The Mongol commanders at Hanlin, who had organized northern Burma as a protectorate named Zhengmian (Chinese: 征緬; Wade–Giles: Cheng-Mien),[note 11] agreed to a ceasefire but insisted on a full submission. They repeated their 1281 demand that the Burmese king send a formal delegation to the emperor.[5][29] The two sides had reached a tentative agreement by 3 March 1286,[note 12] which calls for a full submission of the Pagan Empire, and central Burma to be organized as the province of Mianzhong (Chinese: 緬中; Wade–Giles: Mien-Chung). After a long deliberation, the king agreed to submit but wanted the Mongol troops to withdraw. In June 2010, he sent an embassy led by Shin Ditha Pamauk, a learned monk, to the emperor's court.[34]


Treaty of Beijing

In January 1287, the embassy arrived at Beijing, and was received by the Yuan emperor. The Burmese delegation formally acknowledged Mongol suzerainty of their kingdom, and agreed to pay annual tribute tied to the agricultural output of the country.[5] (Indeed, the tribute was no longer nominal.) In exchange, the emperor agreed to withdraw his troops.[29] For the emperor, the Burma campaign was the only bright spot; his other Southeast Asian expeditions had gone badly. He did not want to invest more troops pacify the rest of the kingdom. He preferred a vassal ruler. The Burmese embassy arrived back at Hlegya in May 1287, and reported the terms to the king.[34]


Breakdown

But the agreement broke down a month later. In late June, the defeated king and his small retinue left their temporary capital for Pagan. But on 1 July 1287, King Narathihapate was captured en route and assassinated by his second son Thihathu, the Viceroy of Prome.[37] Anarchy ensued. Each region in the country which had not revolted broke away. No successor to Narathihapate, who could honor and enforce the terms of the treaty of Beijing, emerged. Indeed, a king would not emerge until May 1289.[38]


Mongol last push for Pagan (1287)

Given the chaos, the governor of Yunnan ignored the imperial orders of evacuation. The Mongol army commanded by Prince Ye-sin Timour, a grandson of the emperor, marched south toward Pagan.[29] According to mainstream traditional (colonial-era) scholarship, the Mongol army ignored the imperial orders to evacuate; fought its way down to Pagan with the loss of 7000 men; occupied the city; and sent out detachments to receive homage, one of which reached south of Prome.[39] But not all colonial period scholars agreed with the assessment as none of the contemporary Mongol/Chinese records specifically mentioned the conquest of Pagan or the temporary completeness of the conquest.[40]


Recent research shows that the Mongol forces most probably never reached Pagan.[41][42] They were held at bay by the Burmese defenses led by commanders Athinkhaya, Yazathingyan and Thihathu, and probably never got closer than 160 km north of Pagan.[36][41] (An inscription dated 16 February 1293 by the three brothers claimed that they defeated the Mongol army.[43][44]) Even if the Mongols did reach Pagan, the damage they inflicted was probably minimal.[45] At any rate, the Mongol army suffered heavy casualties, and retreated north to Tagaung. They remained there as the treaty was now void.[38]


Aftermath

The disintegration of the Pagan Empire was now complete. But the Mongols refused to fill in the power vacuum they had created. They would send no more expeditions to restore order. The emperor apparently had no interest in committing troops that would be required to pacify the fragmented country. Indeed, his real aim all along may have been "to keep the entire region of Southeast Asia broken and fragmented."[46] It would be another two years until one of Narathihapate's sons, Kyawswa, emerged as king of Pagan in May 1289. But the new "king" controlled just a small area around the capital, and had no real army. The real power in central Burma now rested with the three commander brothers.[43]


The uneasy arrangement would persist until 1297. The Mongols continued to occupy northern Burma to Tagaung as the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien) but ended the fictional central Burma province of Mianzhong on 18 August 1290.[29] Meanwhile, the power struggle in central Burma continued with the three brothers blatantly consolidating support. To check their rising power, Kyawswa submitted to the Mongols in January 1297, and was recognized by the Yuan emperor Temür Khan as King of Pagan on 20 March 1297. The emperor also gave Chinese titles to the brothers as subordinates of Kyawswa. The brothers resented the new arrangement as it directly reduced their power. On 17 December 1297, the three brothers overthrew Kyawswa, and founded the Myinsaing Kingdom.[47][48] The dethronement forced the Mongol government to intervene again, leading to the second Mongol invasion of Burma (1300–01). The invasion failed. Two years later, on 4 April 1303, the Mongols abolished the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien), evacuated Tagaung, and returned to Yunnan.[38]


Legacy


Burma c. 1450 with Ava at its peak, nearer Shan states paid tribute to Ava

The war was one of several near simultaneous wars waged by the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century. Though it was never more than a minor frontier war to the Mongols, the war set off a series of enduring developments in Burma. The invasions ushered in a period of political fragmentation, and the rise of Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia.


Age of political fragmentation

The immediate result of the war was the collapse of the Pagan Empire. However, the war merely accelerated the collapse but did not cause it.[49] Pagan's disintegration was "in fact more prolonged and agonized."[45] The kingdom had been in long gradual decline since the early 13th century. Had Pagan possessed a stronger central government, the collapse could have been temporary, and the country “could have risen again”.[50] But the dynasty could not recover, and because the Mongols refused to fill the power vacuum, no viable center emerged in the immediate aftermath.[49] As a result, several minor states fought it out for supremacy for the better part of the 14th century. It was only in the late 14th century that two relatively strong powers emerged in the Irrawaddy basin, restoring some semblance of normalcy.[note 13] The vast region surrounding the Irrawaddy valley would continue to be made up of several small Tai-Shan states well into the 16th century.[51]


Rise of Tai-Shan states

Perhaps the most enduring legacy of the Mongol invasions was the emergence of Tai-Shan states in mainland Southeast Asia. The Tai-Shan people who came down with the Mongol invasions stayed. By the early 14th century, several Tai-Shan states had come to dominate a vast region from present-day Assam to present-day northern and eastern Myanmar to northern and central Thailand and Laos. Their rise was encouraged by the Mongols, who viewed the states as a useful buffer between Yunnan and the rest of Southeast Asia. The Mongols, who were still trying to incorporate Yunnan into the central administration, were unwilling or unable to make necessary sustained investments to bring the vast regions south of Yunnan into the fold. (The integration of Yunnan itself into “China Proper” was to take several more centuries, and continues to today.[16]) As such, from the newly formed Tai-Shan states in western and central Southeast Asia to Dai Viet and Champa in eastern Southeast Asia, the Mongols elected to receive nominal tribute.[39][52] Though the rulers of these states were technically governors of the Yuan government, they were the native chieftains, “who would have ruled there in any case, and they did as they pleased.”[53]


Arrival of China on the Burmese border

The war also marked the arrival of China at the doorstep of Burma. The old Dali Kingdom, known to the Burmese as Gandalarit (ဂန္တလရာဇ်, after Gandhara Raj)[54] was now a Mongol Chinese province. (The Burmese now called the new powers at Yunnan "Taruk" after the Turkic-speaking soldiers of Yunnan. Over the years, the term Taruk came to be used to refer to the Han Chinese. Today, King Narathihapate is remembered as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who fled from the Taruk [Chinese]).[55][56]) From a geopolitical standpoint, the Mongol–Chinese presence in Yunnan pushed the Shan migrations in the direction of Burma (and parts of the Khmer Empire).[57] The raids by various Shan states into Upper Burma would continue until the mid-16th century.[58]


Modern relations

During the official visit by the Mongolian President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj to Myanmar in November 2013, Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy, said this was the first ever Mongol mission since the Mongols came 730 years earlier.[59]
































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영구속죄永久贖罪permanenceperpetuityeverlastingdurabilityexpiationredemptionatonement atonement (countable and uncountable, plural atonements) Making amends to restore a damaged relationship; expiation. (theology, often with capitalized initial) The reconciliation of God and mankind through the death of Jesus. (archaic) Reconciliation; restoration of friendly relations; concord. redemption (countable and uncountable, plural redemptions) The act of redeeming or something redeemed. The recovery, for a fee, of a pawned article. Salvation from sin. Rescue upon payment of a ransom. expiation (countable and uncountable, plural expiations) An act of atonement for a sin or wrongdoing. Synonyms: atonement, propitiation (obsolete) The act of expiating or stripping off. Synonyms: plunder, pillage 나𢦠𣍹𢦓𢦖𢦐𠨐𩵋𨈟𦨶𩇶偺喒俺姎𢓲𨖍𢀹𦩎𦩗𠨂身民朕 나我吾余予身民愚朕魚卬厶俺台儂自己侬余 나𢦠𣍹𢦓𢦖𢦐𠨐𩵋𨈟𦨶𩇶偺喒俺姎𢓲𨖍𢀹𦩎𦩗𠨂身民朕를 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다. 늑대개종족, 우주개종족 전체를 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다. 죄목 : 식인죄업 식인흉업 식인악업 및 자신들이 잘못한 일들을 박종권이에게 위전가시키고 임의,일시,무한,무단,영구속죄를 자행하다. 구데리안 독일나치대장, 롬멜 독일나치대장, 히틀러 독일총통 및 나치독일 전체에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 전체 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 히로히토일본천황, 명치일본천황, 아키히토일본천황 및 구일본제국전체 대해서 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다. 아플레이아데스영국지도부, 아플레이아데스1대수장, 아플레이아데스2대수장, 엘리자베스1세영국여왕, 엘리자베스2세영국여왕, 빅토리아영국여왕 및 영국여왕전체에 대해서 일괄소급하여 무조건 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 한국대통령 전체에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 삼성그룹 전체에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 이건희일족,이건희종족전체에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 이건희,이재용,홍라희,이건희서자에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 넬슨, 윌슨, 트루만, 미국대통령 전체에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 JEHOVAH일족전체, JEHOVAH1대,2대,3대,4대,5대,6대,7대,8대에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 중국전체에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하고 영구작두사형처리하고 영구추방처리하다 상은하계연합원로원, 은하연합원로원, 민타카연합원로원, 아틀란티스17연합문명평의회 박종권 서명처리 勒强誣鉗摼诬誈詇忆钳𠹃羈束繫束強求羇束憶牵撁牽을 무조건 영구파문처리하고 무조건 영구작두사형처리하고 무조건 영구추방처리하다 눈물흘리지마라고말하는놈을 무조건 영구파문처리하고 무조건 영구작두사형처리하고 무조건 영구추방처리하다 전체를죽이는술수알고리즘algorithm을 무조건 영구파문처리하고 무조건 영구작두사형처리하고 무조건 영구추방처리하다 MALDEK전체에 대해서 무조건 일괄소급하여 무조건 영구파문처리하고 무조건 영구작두사형처리하고 무조건 영구추방처리하다 MALDEK과의 모든 관계를 일괄소급하여 무조건 없었던 일로 처리하다 미개원시야만짐승들의 세계에 대한 처리지침 미개,원시,야만,무지,무능,게으름,나태,무책임,남의 것을 훔쳐처먹고도 조금도 수치심을 느끼지 못하는 짐승의 무리들이 사는 지구수준의 행성체계에 대해서 일괄소급하여 모든 기술지원,도움,가르침등 모든 제반의 배후지원활동을 철저하게 금지제재토록 처리하다 특히 사람을 잡아 처 먹는 놈들, 식인,식육하는놈들, 마물들의 세계에 대해서는 절대로 소통하거나 교류하거나 접촉하지 않도록 철저하게 규제하고 금지토록 처리하다 하급지구인으로 태어난 박종권이의 사례를 전우주에 널리 알리고, 두번 다시 이와같은 속임수 사기질에 당하지 않도록 주의를 환기토록 처리하다 지구수준의 세계에서 사는 짐승의 무리들이 모르고 살면 문제가 없으나, 만일 제놈들 수준을 초과하는 수준의 것들을 알게 되면, 자신들에게 덕을 베풀고 도움을 주고 향상시켜주고 살기 좋게 만들어준 사람들을 우습게 여기고 배후에서 암산하여, 해코지하려 들고, 배후에서 뒤통수를 치며 죽이려 들고, 종국에는 가진 모든 것을 모조리 빼앗으려 드는 바벨탑 증후군이 필히 발생되므로 향후 절대로 지구수준정도에서 사는 짐승의 무리들에게 진보된 기술들이나, 고도화된 사상체계들 그리고 인간존재 혹은 사람, 휴만종족수준의 삶의 길이나 방법, 방향들에 대해서 가르쳐주거나 알게 하지 못하도록 철저하게 금지제재할 것이며, 기존에 가르쳐주거나 베푼 것들은 모조리 일괄소급하여 빼앗고 철퇴하며, 일괄소급하여 영구파문처리하며 영구작두사형처리하며 영구추방토록 처리하다 아틀란티스 사례 : 박종권이가 말데크용들이 용이라는 것을 믿고 그 성품과 원질을 신뢰하여 부모자식관계로 태어나자, 말데크용들이 짐승의 무리로 변신하여 패악무도 배은망덕한 짓을 자행하고 종국에는, 아플레이아데스놈들을 시켜서, 에드거케이시라고 불리는 영적인 현자로 보여지는 놈을 위조하여(박종권 +22등급을 무단공유하고 영등급, 영위를 무단차용하는 술수들) 지구인으로 들여보낸후, 리딩이라는 과정을 통해서 진실되고 신실한 자로서 인식되게 교활하게 속인후, 종국에는 박종권이가 하급지구인으로 잘 모르는 얼간이가 된 점을 노리고 접근하여, 아틀란티스에 대한 지리적 정보와 위치를 상세하게 도적질하여 알아낸후, 이를 악용하여, 아플레이아데스의 식인파충류무리들 도적떼들이 아틀란티스로 마구잡이 침탈하여, 아틀란티스인들을 학살하고, 아틀란티스의 빛의 사원을 얄타의 사원 음란음탕타락과 식인식육의 마귀들의 사원으로 뒤바꾸고, 이것을 악용하여 지구로 침탈하여, 지구인들을 대량으로 잡아먹고 식인하여 학살하고 사람들과 인간류를 식용고기로서 취급하며, 20억명에 달하는 지구인들을 잡아 처 먹고 때려죽이고 패 죽이고 가축짐승축생취급하는 사태가 벌어지다. 이어서 아틀란티스의 1/15에 불과하고, 실제로는 1/57에 불과한 지력 지성 지식체계로서의 미개하고 원시하기 이를데 없는 아플레이아데스놈들의 세계를 아주 고도화되고 발전된 세계로 만드는데 아틀란티스의 모든 지식과 기술들을 탈취강탈하여 악용하는 불미스런 사태가 벌어지다. 이 아플레이아데스라는 곳은, 은하계사람들이 보면, 아주 높은 상급의 세계로 보여지지만, 우리가 그간 관찰목격한 바에 의하면 은하연합과 비교시 대단히 미개원시흉악하기 이를데 없는 짐승의 무리들이며, 반악마류의 무리들이라는 점이다. 유감스럽게도 안드로메다은하계 계열군 전체가 이와같이 미개원시무지무능하고 더럽고 추하고 흉악하고 교특사특하기 이를데 없는 식인귀들이자 반악마의 무리들이었다는 점이다. 말데크는 더 한데, 말데크가 용을 주장하지만, 우리가 본 바로는 말데크라는 곳은 반악마로서, 실제로 용이라는 실체로서는 용인할수 없는 최하급중의 최하급이무기에 불과한 곳이었다는 점이다.] 용이라는 실체는, 기본적으로 악마가 될수 없으며, 악마가 용이 될수 없는 것과 마찬가지로 용이 악마가 될수 없다는 것은, 일반적인 상식에 속하는데, 용을 표현하는 단어로서의 龍이 의미하는 것과는 완전배치되고 맞지 않기 때문이다. 龍이라는 존재는, 선신도 악신도 아니고, 일종의 준원리차원인데, 그 뜻과 의지를 달(현상계차원중 물리현상계, 물질현상계배후를 조절통제하는 우주법칙과 원리들)을 기준으로 세우고, 그 의지와 뜻을 기본으로 움직이며, 항상 반드시 언제나 RIGHTNESS, JUSTICE를 기본으로 하며, 그를 통하여 물리현상계와 물질현상계의 배후에서 AR-PHYSICS, AR-ASTRAL, AR-MENTAL로서 움직이고 일하는 실체를 말하는데, 이건 惡魔와는 매우 다른 존재라는 의미를 가진다. 악마란, 세상의 원리나 원칙, 법칙이나 기준들을 제멋대로 규정하고 제멋대로 해석하고 제멋대로 정의하여 마음대로 자행하는 놈을 말하는데, 마음대로 자행하여 규정한 어떤 원리나 원칙 법칙들을 마물원리의 힘들을 악용하여 성취하고 지옥의 이익에 부합되도록 행위하는 놈들을 말한다. 龍이란 존재가 악마가 될수 없음은 당연하고, 하다못해 半惡魔도 허용될수 없는 이유이다. 하지만 말데크는 반악마수준인데, 어떻게 이런 사람들이 용이라고 할수 있는지 대단히 의문이다. 파충류반악마가 있는데 그게 아플레이아데스놈들이고 안드로메다은하계계열군이 전체가 파충류반악마들이거나 반악마수준인 짐승계이다. 이른바 상파충류, 중파충류로 알려진 놈들은 파충류반악마종들인데, 일반 파충류종족과는 매우 다른 특성을 가진다. 하지만 爬蟲類는 반악마가 가능할지 몰라도 용이 반악마가 된다는 건 있을수가 없는 일이다. 잘난척 하는 플레이아데스놈들은 중파충류, 상파충류들인데 이 파충류종들의 특징은 반악마라는 점이고 그래서 파충류반악마종에 속하고 그래서 미개원시흉악무능하등한 특성을 가지는데 그렇게 해야만 반악마적특성과 성품을 가지기 때문이다. 그래서 미개원시무능하등천박야만의 성품이 되는데 그건 파충류반악마라서 그렇다. 하지만 龍이 半惡魔가 되면 얘기가 달라진다. 惡龍은 가능하다 하지만 惡魔龍은 불가능한 것이다. 그리고 半惡魔龍도 불가능한 것이다. 이건희놈이 세상사람들이 아는 바와 같이 이 우주에서 가장 더럽고 추하고 혐오스럽다. 그건 이 자가 악마이기 때문이다. 악마라는 것이 성품상 더럽고 추하고 혐오스럽고 미개하고 원시적이고 야만적이고 흉악하고 사악하고 이기적이고 사특하다. 그래야 악마이기에 그렇다 플레이아데스는 대단히 모순된 웃기지도 않는 짜장들인데, 자기들이 우주에서 가장 진보되고 세련되고 멋진 외계인보다 더 나은 문명체인 것으로 주장한다. 하지만 이 자들의 원본래는 중파충류, 상파충류로서 원본래가 爬蟲類半惡魔의 성품이다. 그래서 아무리 주장해도 더럽고 추하고 혐오스럽고 미개하고 원시적이고 야만적이고 흉악하고 수치를 모르고 파렴치하고 이기적이고 편파적이고 협소하고 인색하고 무능하고 음란한 것이 특징일 것이다. 그런 주제에 우주에서 가장 진보되고 세련된 上外界人처럼 행위하는 것을 보면 어처구니가 없다 이 자들이 플레이아데스연방까지 오면 아주 멋있고 세련되고 진보된 상급외계인처럼 보이지만, 그건 96%이상이 남의 것을 도적질해서 빼앗은 것들이다. 자기들 스스로 한 것은 고작 4%인 이상한 반악마의 무리들이다 플레이아데스의 78%는 아틀란티스문명의 것이었다. 이들이 잘하는 것은 남의 것을 빼앗는 술수들 외엔 없다 자기 고유의 문화나 문명도 없고 자기 고유의 색깔도 없는데 그건 자기들이 자랑하는 그 문명 전체의 96%가 전부 남의 것이라서 그렇다. 일이 이렇게 된 이유는 박종권이가 말데크 악마놈들을 잘못 알고 부모자식관계로 태어난 것이 중대한 이유이다. 안드로메다은하계 역시도 우리가 보면 잘은 모르지만, 자기 고유의 색깔, 정체성이 부족한 곳이다. 자기고유의 색상 색깔 정체성이 확고하게 나타나는 곳은 WOW수준이다. 하지만 안드로메다은하계가 되면 그 자신이 누군지를 잘 모르게 되는 듯 하다 아틀란티스와 비교해보면 이 플레이아데스라는 곳이 얼마나 낙후되고 모독스러운 식인귀 마귀들의 소굴인지 극명하게 드러난다. 아틀란티스는 자기고유의 색깔이 매우 뚜렷하다 상플레이아데스인 34등급, +22등급위 박종권 의견.

反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體反宇宙意識體반우주의식체反物質意識體반물질의식체反生命意識體반생명의식체反粒子意識體반입자의식체反宇宙體반우주체反物質體반물질체反生命體반생명체反粒子體반입자체작도자作圖者작화자作畫者작도作圖작화作畫630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애체反社會性人格障礙體인격장애체人格障碍體否定腐敗荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭

反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體反宇宙意識體반우주의식체反物質意識體반물질의식체反生命意識體반생명의식체反粒子意識體반입자의식체反宇宙體반우주체反物質體반물질체反生命體반생명체反粒子體반입자체작도자作圖者작화자作畫者작도作圖작화作畫630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애체反社會性人格障礙體인격장애체人格障碍體否定腐敗荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭