The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contested. Pagan did contest but its army was driven back at the frontier by the Mongol Army in 1277–78. After a brief lull, Kublai Khan in 1281 turned his attention to Southeast Asia, demanding tribute from Pagan, the Khmer Empire, Đại Việt and Champa. When the Burmese king again refused, the emperor ordered an invasion of northern Burma. Two dry season campaigns (1283–1285) later, the Mongols had occupied down to Tagaung and Hanlin, forcing the Burmese king to flee to Lower Burma. The Mongols organized northern Burma as the province of Zhengmian. Ceasefire negotiations began in 1285, and ended with Narathihapate finally agreeing to submit in June 1286. The Burmese embassy, received by the emperor in Beijing in January 1287, agreed to a treaty that acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mongol Empire over the Pagan Empire and annual payments in taxes to the Yunnan government in exchange for the evacuation of Mongol troops from northern Burma. But the treaty never really took effect as Narathihapate was assassinated in July 1287, and no authority who could honor the treaty emerged. The Mongol command at Yunnan now deemed the imperial order to withdraw void, and ordered an invasion of central Burma. They may not have reached Pagan, and even if they did, after having suffered heavy casualties, they returned to Tagaung. The Pagan Empire disintegrated and anarchy ensued. The Mongols, who probably preferred the situation, did nothing to restore order in the next ten years. In March 1297, they accepted the voluntary submission of King Kyawswa of Pagan although he controlled little beyond the capital city of Pagan (Bagan). But Kyawswa was overthrown nine months later, and the Mongols were forced to intervene, leading to their second invasion in 1300–01. Marco Polo reported the first invasions (1277–87) in his travelogue, Il Milione. The Burmese referred to the invaders as the Taruk (after the central Asian Turkic troops that largely made up the Mongol invasion army); today, the term Taruk (တရုတ်) refers to the Han Chinese instead. King Narathihapate is unkindly remembered in Burmese history as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who Fled from the Taruk").[2] Background Pagan and Dali Pagan Empire during Sithu II's reign. Burmese chronicles also claim Kengtung and Chiang Mai. Core areas shown in darker yellow. Peripheral areas in light yellow. Dali Kingdom c. mid-12th century In the 13th century, the Pagan Empire, along with the Khmer Empire, was one of the two main empires in mainland Southeast Asia.[3] For much of its history, Pagan's neighbor to the northeast was not China but the independent Dali Kingdom and its predecessor Nanzhao, both with Dali as their capital city. Dali-based kingdoms were a power in their own right, at times allying themselves with the Tibetan Empire to their west and at other times with China's Tang and Song dynasties. Indeed, Nanzhao's mounted armies ventured deep into what is today Burma and may have been behind the founding of the medieval city of Pagan and the Pagan Dynasty itself.[4] Between the newly conquered Mongol territory and Pagan were a wide swath of borderlands stretching from present-day Dehong, Baoshan and Lincang prefectures in Yunnan as well as the Wa and Palaung regions (presumably in present-day northern Shan State),[note 2] which Pagan and Dali had both claimed and exercised overlapping spheres of influence.[5] Then as now, the borderlands mostly consist of forbidding terrains of high mountain ranges.[6] Mongol conquest of Dali The Mongol Empire first arrived at the doorstep of the Pagan Empire in 1252 by invading the Dali Kingdom in its attempt to outflank Song China. The Mongol armies captured the capital, Dali, on 7 January 1253, and went on to pacify much of the kingdom by 1257.[7] The arrival of the Mongols did not initially upset the existing order at the borderlands as the Mongols were intent on finishing off the Song. For the next dozen years, they consolidated their hold over the newly conquered land, which not only provided them with a base from which to attack the Song from the rear but also was strategically located on the trade routes from China to Burma and India. The Mongols set up military garrisons, manned mostly by Turkic-speaking Muslims from Central Asia, in 37 circuits of the former Dali Kingdom.[8] Decline of Pagan By then, the Pagan Empire, despite outward appearances of calmness, had been in long and slow decline since the early 13th century. The continuous growth of tax-free religious wealth had greatly reduced the tax base of the kingdom. The crown had lost resources needed to retain the loyalty of courtiers and military servicemen, inviting a vicious circle of internal disorders and external challenges.[9] Although it was able to put down the first batch of serious rebellions in 1258–60 in South Arakan and Martaban (Mottama), the decline continued. On the eve of the Mongol invasions, between one and two-thirds of Upper Burma's cultivable land had been donated to religion. The crown's ability to mobilize defenses was in serious jeopardy.[9] Prelude to war Bagan plains today First Mongol mission (1271–1272) The period of calm for Pagan ended in the early 1270s. By then, the Song were on the ropes, and Emperor Kublai Khan, who officially founded the Yuan dynasty on 18 December 1271, sought to cut off the retreat of Song refugees in all directions.[10] In Pagan's case, he had ordered the Mongol governor of Dali to tighten control of the borderlands, and in January 1271[11] to send a mission to Pagan to demand tribute.[12] The tribute he demanded was nominal. Given his higher priority preoccupations elsewhere, the emperor was not looking to replace the regime at Pagan.[12] At the border, the ruler of the Wa and Palaung regions submitted to the Mongols.[5] When the Mongol envoys led by Qidai Tuoyin showed up,[11] the Pagan court led by Chief Minister Ananda Pyissi was well aware of the military power of the Mongols and advised King Narathihapate to use diplomacy. The king was furious at the demand and kept the Mongol envoys waiting for weeks. The court finally devised a compromise: the envoys were sent back without ever seeing the king. Accompanying them was a Burmese envoy who carried a letter expressing friendly sentiments and the Burmese king's wish to one day worship a Buddha tooth at Beijing.[12] The king then promptly ordered an expedition, which retook the rebellious borderland regions in April 1272.[11] The rebel leader A-Pi (အပိ) was brought back to Pagan. Dali relayed the news to Beijing but did not carry out any military action.[5] Second Mongol mission (1273) At Beijing, Kublai Khan, who was preparing an invasion of Japan, decided against a war with Pagan—for the time being. On 3 March 1273, he sent a 4-member delegation led by an imperial ambassador, the First Secretary to the Board Rites, to Pagan.[5][12] The delegation carried a letter from the emperor. The letter says:[12] "If you have finally decided to fulfill your duties towards the All-Highest, send one of your brothers or senior ministers, to show men that all the world is linked with Us, and enter into a perpetual alliance. This will add to your reputation, and be in your own interests; for if it comes to war, who will be the victor? Ponder well, O king, Our words." This time, the Burmese king received the imperial envoys but still refused to submit. The Burmese chronicles say that the king was so insulted that he had the envoys executed,[13] although both Burmese inscriptional evidence and Yuan records indicate to the contrary.[5][11] At any rate, the imperial envoys did not return to Yunnan in due time. The newly formed Yunnan government sent another delegation to investigate the whereabouts of the delegation, but the delegation could not reach Pagan because of an ongoing rebellion en route.[14] Mongol consolidation of borderlands (1275–1276) Meanwhile, in 1274, the former Dali Kingdom was officially reorganized as the province of Yunnan, with Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar as governor.[note 3] In May 1275,[11] the governor sent a report to the emperor stating that the embassy had not returned;[note 4] that the Burmese evidently had no intention of submitting; and that war was the only way forward.[5][15] But the emperor rejected an outright invasion. Just coming off a disastrous Japanese campaign, the emperor was unwilling to commit the central government troops to what he considered a low priority affair. He was now focused on delivering the final blow against the Song; the emperor ordered the Yunnan provincial army to secure the borderlands in order to block the escape path of the Song refugees. He also sanctioned a limited border war if Pagan contested the takeover.[10][15] As planned, the Yunnan army proceeded to consolidate the borderlands in 1275–76. Elsewhere, the main Mongol armies had captured most of the Song territory by 1276. By 1277, at least one Burmese vassal state named "Gold Teeth" (modern Yingjiang) had submitted to the Mongols.[note 5] Like in 1272, the Burmese government responded by sending an army to reclaim the rebellious state; but unlike in 1272, the Mongols had posted a sizable garrison there.[5][15] Though it was ultimately under Mongol command, many of the officers and most of the soldiers of the garrison were Turkic-speaking peoples or people from the further west: Turks from Samarkand, Bukhara, Merv and Nishapur, but also captive soldiers from the Khwarazmid empire, the Kipchaks, and even Bulgars from the lower Volga.[16] Border war (1277–1278) Mongol invasions 1277–87 Mongol mounted archer What followed was a border war in 1277–1278. It was reported mainly in the Yuan dynasty chronicle and the travelogue of Marco Polo.[note 6] Although the Burmese chronicles have no record of the border war, a 1278 Burmese inscription mentions the army's defeat at Ngasaunggyan.[5] The Mongol accounts of the border war contain certain errors of location and numbers although the overall narrative is probably accurate.[note 7] Battle of Ngasaunggyan Main article: Battle of Ngasaunggyan According to the Yuan dynasty chronicle and Marco Polo's accounts, a Burmese army "invaded" the Mongol territory of Gold Teeth, and was defeated by the Mongol army in April 1277. The battle took place either at the Vochang valley (in present-day Baoshan Prefecture) or 110 km southwest at Kanngai (present-day Yingjiang, Dehong Prefecture), which the Burmese called Ngasaunggyan.[note 8] The Yuan Chronicle reports that only 700 men defeated a Burmese army of 40,000 to 50,000 with 10,000 horses and 800 elephants. It also reports only one Mongol was killed, in trying to catch an elephant.[17][18] According to Marco Polo, the Mongol army consisted of 12,000 mounted archers, and the Burmese army numbered 60,000 men with 2,000 elephants, "on each of which was set a tower of timber, well-framed and strong, and carrying from 12 to 16 well-armed fighting men."[17][19] Even then, the 40,000 to 60,000 figures of the Burmese army strength were likely eye estimates and may still be too high; the Mongols may have erred "on the side of generosity" not to "diminish their glory in defeating superior numbers."[20] According to Marco Polo's account, in the early stages of the battle, the Turkish and Mongol horsemen "took such fright at the sight of the elephants that they would not be got to face the foe, but always swerved and turned back," while the Burmese forces pressed on. But the Mongol commander Huthukh[note 9] did not panic; he ordered his troops to dismount, and from the cover of the nearby treelines, aim their bows directly at the advancing elephants. The Mongol archers' arrows threw the animals into such pain that they fled.[19] Raid of Kaungsin The Mongol army pressed on after the monsoon season. In the following dry season of 1277–78, c. December 1277, a Mongol army of 3,800 men led by Nasr al-Din, son of Gov. Sayyid Ajjal, advanced to Kaungsin, which defended the Bhamo Pass.[14][21] They occupied the fort and destroyed a large number of abandoned stockades. But they found the heat excessive and returned.[22] Interlude (1278–1283) Despite the Mongol military success, the control of the borderlands remained contested. Pagan did not relinquish its claim to the frontier regions, and the Burmese, apparently taking advantage of Mongol preoccupations elsewhere, rebuilt their forts at Kaungsin and Ngasaunggyan later in 1278, posting permanent garrisons commanded by Einda Pyissi.[23] But their control was short-lived. The Great Khan's attention turned to Southeast Asia once more in 1281.[24] He had mixed success: his vaunted forces finished off the last of the Song in 1279 but had again failed to take Japan in 1281. That year, the Mongol emperor sent another mission to Pagan, demanding tribute yet again. The Burmese king was to send his ten senior ministers accompanied by one thousand cavalry officers to the emperor's court.[25] (With Champa, the emperor summoned the king of Champa himself to Beijing.[24]) At Pagan, Narathihapate deliberated with his court for an appropriate response but ultimately refused to submit. The Burmese court may have been counting on another limited border war but the emperor now ordered an invasion of northern Burma.[14] He also ordered an invasion of Champa, whose king too had refused to submit.[24] Throughout 1282, the Mongol command made preparations for the upcoming invasions of Champa and northern Burma. The objective of the Burma campaign was to take over northern Burma but no further; the emperor did not sanction an attack on Pagan itself.[26] At least one army consisted of 14,000 men of the erstwhile Khwarezmid Empire under the command of Yalu Beg was sent to Yunnan to reinforce the Burma invasion force, which again was made up of Turks and other central Asians.[16] On the Burmese side, the king managed to raise an army although given his low standing with his vassals, he probably could not have raised a large one. By mid-1283, a Burmese army led by generals Ananda Pyissi and Yanda Pyissi was deployed at a fort at Ngasaunggyan.[13] Invasion (1283–1285) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Battle of Ngasaunggyan (1283) The invasion began on 22 September 1283. Prince Sangqudar was the commander-in-chief of the invasion force; his deputies were Vice Governor Taipn, and commander Yagan Tegin.[27] The Mongol armies marched to the border in two columns. One column advanced along the Taping River using over 200 boats; the other proceeded by land and joined the first column at the Burmese fort at Ngasaunggyan.[28] The Burmese chronicles report an overwhelming number of Mongol forces laying siege to the fort although their numbers are greatly exaggerated. (The chronicles say that the Burmese army numbered 400,000 men while the Mongol army numbered 20 million men and 6 million horses.)[13] The Burmese withstood the siege for over two months but the fort fell on 3 December 1283.[5][14] Invasion of northern Burma The defeat at Ngasaunggyan broke the back of Burmese defenses. The Burmese army lost several thousand men as well as senior commanders. Kaungsin, the next fort in line, fell just six days later on 9 December 1283.[29] The Mongol sources say that the Burmese lost 10,000 men at Kaungsin.[22] The Mongol armies pushed farther south into the Irrawaddy valley. They took the ancient Burmese capital of Tagaung, about 380 km north of Pagan on 5 February 1284.[30] There, the invaders paused their advance. They "found the heat of the searing Irrawaddy valley excessive", and evacuated Tagaung, allowing the Burmese to return to Tagaung on 10 May 1284.[31] But the Mongol army renewed their offensive in the following dry season. They retook Tagaung, and defeated another Burmese stand south of Tagaung, probably near Hanlin, on 26 January 1285, opening the way to Pagan, about 270 km south.[32][33] After the defeat, the king panicked, and fled to Lower Burma.[29] The evacuation proved premature. The Mongol forces did not advance on Pagan as it was not part of their invasion plan.[26] The country fell into chaos. In Lower Burma, the king found himself isolated, let alone plan a counterattack. Although the king's three sons ruled the nearby regions (Bassein (Pathein), Prome (Pyay), and Dala-Twante), the king did not trust any of them, and he and his court settled at Hlegya, west of Prome.[34] Without the full support of his sons, the presence of the king and his small army impressed no one. A usurper named Wareru seized the southern port city of Martaban (Mottama) by killing its Pagan-appointed governor.[25] Gov. Akhamaman of Pegu also revolted; the king managed to send two small expeditions to Pegu but they both failed. Now, the entire eastern half of Lower Burma (Pegu and Martaban) was in open revolt.[35] Peace negotiations (1285–1287) Kublai Khan, founder and first emperor of the Yuan dynasty Ceasefire Given his precarious position, Narathihapate decided to buy time, and sue for peace with the Mongols.[36] In November/December 1285,[11][31] the king ordered his generals Ananda Pyissi and Maha Bo to enter into ceasefire negotiations.[note 10] The Mongol commanders at Hanlin, who had organized northern Burma as a protectorate named Zhengmian (Chinese: 征緬; Wade–Giles: Cheng-Mien),[note 11] agreed to a ceasefire but insisted on a full submission. They repeated their 1281 demand that the Burmese king send a formal delegation to the emperor.[5][29] The two sides had reached a tentative agreement by 3 March 1286,[note 12] which calls for a full submission of the Pagan Empire, and central Burma to be organized as the province of Mianzhong (Chinese: 緬中; Wade–Giles: Mien-Chung). After a long deliberation, the king agreed to submit but wanted the Mongol troops to withdraw. In June 2010, he sent an embassy led by Shin Ditha Pamauk, a learned monk, to the emperor's court.[34] Treaty of Beijing In January 1287, the embassy arrived at Beijing, and was received by the Yuan emperor. The Burmese delegation formally acknowledged Mongol suzerainty of their kingdom, and agreed to pay annual tribute tied to the agricultural output of the country.[5] (Indeed, the tribute was no longer nominal.) In exchange, the emperor agreed to withdraw his troops.[29] For the emperor, the Burma campaign was the only bright spot; his other Southeast Asian expeditions had gone badly. He did not want to invest more troops pacify the rest of the kingdom. He preferred a vassal ruler. The Burmese embassy arrived back at Hlegya in May 1287, and reported the terms to the king.[34] Breakdown But the agreement broke down a month later. In late June, the defeated king and his small retinue left their temporary capital for Pagan. But on 1 July 1287, King Narathihapate was captured en route and assassinated by his second son Thihathu, the Viceroy of Prome.[37] Anarchy ensued. Each region in the country which had not revolted broke away. No successor to Narathihapate, who could honor and enforce the terms of the treaty of Beijing, emerged. Indeed, a king would not emerge until May 1289.[38] Mongol last push for Pagan (1287) Given the chaos, the governor of Yunnan ignored the imperial orders of evacuation. The Mongol army commanded by Prince Ye-sin Timour, a grandson of the emperor, marched south toward Pagan.[29] According to mainstream traditional (colonial-era) scholarship, the Mongol army ignored the imperial orders to evacuate; fought its way down to Pagan with the loss of 7000 men; occupied the city; and sent out detachments to receive homage, one of which reached south of Prome.[39] But not all colonial period scholars agreed with the assessment as none of the contemporary Mongol/Chinese records specifically mentioned the conquest of Pagan or the temporary completeness of the conquest.[40] Recent research shows that the Mongol forces most probably never reached Pagan.[41][42] They were held at bay by the Burmese defenses led by commanders Athinkhaya, Yazathingyan and Thihathu, and probably never got closer than 160 km north of Pagan.[36][41] (An inscription dated 16 February 1293 by the three brothers claimed that they defeated the Mongol army.[43][44]) Even if the Mongols did reach Pagan, the damage they inflicted was probably minimal.[45] At any rate, the Mongol army suffered heavy casualties, and retreated north to Tagaung. They remained there as the treaty was now void.[38] Aftermath The disintegration of the Pagan Empire was now complete. But the Mongols refused to fill in the power vacuum they had created. They would send no more expeditions to restore order. The emperor apparently had no interest in committing troops that would be required to pacify the fragmented country. Indeed, his real aim all along may have been "to keep the entire region of Southeast Asia broken and fragmented."[46] It would be another two years until one of Narathihapate's sons, Kyawswa, emerged as king of Pagan in May 1289. But the new "king" controlled just a small area around the capital, and had no real army. The real power in central Burma now rested with the three commander brothers.[43] The uneasy arrangement would persist until 1297. The Mongols continued to occupy northern Burma to Tagaung as the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien) but ended the fictional central Burma province of Mianzhong on 18 August 1290.[29] Meanwhile, the power struggle in central Burma continued with the three brothers blatantly consolidating support. To check their rising power, Kyawswa submitted to the Mongols in January 1297, and was recognized by the Yuan emperor Temür Khan as King of Pagan on 20 March 1297. The emperor also gave Chinese titles to the brothers as subordinates of Kyawswa. The brothers resented the new arrangement as it directly reduced their power. On 17 December 1297, the three brothers overthrew Kyawswa, and founded the Myinsaing Kingdom.[47][48] The dethronement forced the Mongol government to intervene again, leading to the second Mongol invasion of Burma (1300–01). The invasion failed. Two years later, on 4 April 1303, the Mongols abolished the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien), evacuated Tagaung, and returned to Yunnan.[38] Legacy Burma c. 1450 with Ava at its peak, nearer Shan states paid tribute to Ava The war was one of several near simultaneous wars waged by the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century. Though it was never more than a minor frontier war to the Mongols, the war set off a series of enduring developments in Burma. The invasions ushered in a period of political fragmentation, and the rise of Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia. Age of political fragmentation The immediate result of the war was the collapse of the Pagan Empire. However, the war merely accelerated the collapse but did not cause it.[49] Pagan's disintegration was "in fact more prolonged and agonized."[45] The kingdom had been in long gradual decline since the early 13th century. Had Pagan possessed a stronger central government, the collapse could have been temporary, and the country “could have risen again”.[50] But the dynasty could not recover, and because the Mongols refused to fill the power vacuum, no viable center emerged in the immediate aftermath.[49] As a result, several minor states fought it out for supremacy for the better part of the 14th century. It was only in the late 14th century that two relatively strong powers emerged in the Irrawaddy basin, restoring some semblance of normalcy.[note 13] The vast region surrounding the Irrawaddy valley would continue to be made up of several small Tai-Shan states well into the 16th century.[51] Rise of Tai-Shan states Perhaps the most enduring legacy of the Mongol invasions was the emergence of Tai-Shan states in mainland Southeast Asia. The Tai-Shan people who came down with the Mongol invasions stayed. By the early 14th century, several Tai-Shan states had come to dominate a vast region from present-day Assam to present-day northern and eastern Myanmar to northern and central Thailand and Laos. Their rise was encouraged by the Mongols, who viewed the states as a useful buffer between Yunnan and the rest of Southeast Asia. The Mongols, who were still trying to incorporate Yunnan into the central administration, were unwilling or unable to make necessary sustained investments to bring the vast regions south of Yunnan into the fold. (The integration of Yunnan itself into “China Proper” was to take several more centuries, and continues to today.[16]) As such, from the newly formed Tai-Shan states in western and central Southeast Asia to Dai Viet and Champa in eastern Southeast Asia, the Mongols elected to receive nominal tribute.[39][52] Though the rulers of these states were technically governors of the Yuan government, they were the native chieftains, “who would have ruled there in any case, and they did as they pleased.”[53] Arrival of China on the Burmese border The war also marked the arrival of China at the doorstep of Burma. The old Dali Kingdom, known to the Burmese as Gandalarit (ဂန္တလရာဇ်, after Gandhara Raj)[54] was now a Mongol Chinese province. (The Burmese now called the new powers at Yunnan "Taruk" after the Turkic-speaking soldiers of Yunnan. Over the years, the term Taruk came to be used to refer to the Han Chinese. Today, King Narathihapate is remembered as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who fled from the Taruk [Chinese]).[55][56]) From a geopolitical standpoint, the Mongol–Chinese presence in Yunnan pushed the Shan migrations in the direction of Burma (and parts of the Khmer Empire).[57] The raids by various Shan states into Upper Burma would continue until the mid-16th century.[58] Modern relations During the official visit by the Mongolian President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj to Myanmar in November 2013, Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy, said this was the first ever Mongol mission since the Mongols came 730 years earlier.[59]

 The first Mongol invasions of Burma (Burmese: မွန်ဂို–မြန်မာ စစ် (၁၂၇၇–၁၂၈၇); Chinese: 元緬戰爭) were a series of military conflicts between Kublai Khan's Yuan dynasty, a division of the Mongol Empire, and the Pagan Empire that took place between 1277 and 1287. The invasions toppled the 250-year-old Pagan Empire, and the Mongol army seized Pagan territories in present-day Dehong, Yunnan and northern Burma to Tagaung. The invasions ushered in 250 years of political fragmentation in Burma and the rise of ethnic Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia.


The Mongols first demanded tribute from Pagan in 1271–72, as part of their drive to encircle the Song dynasty of China. When King Narathihapate refused, Emperor Kublai Khan himself sent another mission in 1273, again demanding tribute. It too was rejected. In 1275, the emperor ordered the Yunnan government to secure the borderlands in order to block an escape path for the Song, and permitted a limited border war if Pagan contested. Pagan did contest but its army was driven back at the frontier by the Mongol Army in 1277–78. After a brief lull, Kublai Khan in 1281 turned his attention to Southeast Asia, demanding tribute from Pagan, the Khmer Empire, Đại Việt and Champa. When the Burmese king again refused, the emperor ordered an invasion of northern Burma. Two dry season campaigns (1283–1285) later, the Mongols had occupied down to Tagaung and Hanlin, forcing the Burmese king to flee to Lower Burma. The Mongols organized northern Burma as the province of Zhengmian.


Ceasefire negotiations began in 1285, and ended with Narathihapate finally agreeing to submit in June 1286. The Burmese embassy, received by the emperor in Beijing in January 1287, agreed to a treaty that acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mongol Empire over the Pagan Empire and annual payments in taxes to the Yunnan government in exchange for the evacuation of Mongol troops from northern Burma. But the treaty never really took effect as Narathihapate was assassinated in July 1287, and no authority who could honor the treaty emerged. The Mongol command at Yunnan now deemed the imperial order to withdraw void, and ordered an invasion of central Burma. They may not have reached Pagan, and even if they did, after having suffered heavy casualties, they returned to Tagaung.


The Pagan Empire disintegrated and anarchy ensued. The Mongols, who probably preferred the situation, did nothing to restore order in the next ten years. In March 1297, they accepted the voluntary submission of King Kyawswa of Pagan although he controlled little beyond the capital city of Pagan (Bagan). But Kyawswa was overthrown nine months later, and the Mongols were forced to intervene, leading to their second invasion in 1300–01.


Marco Polo reported the first invasions (1277–87) in his travelogue, Il Milione. The Burmese referred to the invaders as the Taruk (after the central Asian Turkic troops that largely made up the Mongol invasion army); today, the term Taruk (တရုတ်) refers to the Han Chinese instead. King Narathihapate is unkindly remembered in Burmese history as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who Fled from the Taruk").[2]


Background

Pagan and Dali


Pagan Empire during Sithu II's reign. Burmese chronicles also claim Kengtung and Chiang Mai. Core areas shown in darker yellow. Peripheral areas in light yellow.


Dali Kingdom c. mid-12th century

In the 13th century, the Pagan Empire, along with the Khmer Empire, was one of the two main empires in mainland Southeast Asia.[3] For much of its history, Pagan's neighbor to the northeast was not China but the independent Dali Kingdom and its predecessor Nanzhao, both with Dali as their capital city. Dali-based kingdoms were a power in their own right, at times allying themselves with the Tibetan Empire to their west and at other times with China's Tang and Song dynasties. Indeed, Nanzhao's mounted armies ventured deep into what is today Burma and may have been behind the founding of the medieval city of Pagan and the Pagan Dynasty itself.[4]


Between the newly conquered Mongol territory and Pagan were a wide swath of borderlands stretching from present-day Dehong, Baoshan and Lincang prefectures in Yunnan as well as the Wa and Palaung regions (presumably in present-day northern Shan State),[note 2] which Pagan and Dali had both claimed and exercised overlapping spheres of influence.[5] Then as now, the borderlands mostly consist of forbidding terrains of high mountain ranges.[6]


Mongol conquest of Dali

The Mongol Empire first arrived at the doorstep of the Pagan Empire in 1252 by invading the Dali Kingdom in its attempt to outflank Song China. The Mongol armies captured the capital, Dali, on 7 January 1253, and went on to pacify much of the kingdom by 1257.[7]


The arrival of the Mongols did not initially upset the existing order at the borderlands as the Mongols were intent on finishing off the Song. For the next dozen years, they consolidated their hold over the newly conquered land, which not only provided them with a base from which to attack the Song from the rear but also was strategically located on the trade routes from China to Burma and India. The Mongols set up military garrisons, manned mostly by Turkic-speaking Muslims from Central Asia, in 37 circuits of the former Dali Kingdom.[8]


Decline of Pagan

By then, the Pagan Empire, despite outward appearances of calmness, had been in long and slow decline since the early 13th century. The continuous growth of tax-free religious wealth had greatly reduced the tax base of the kingdom. The crown had lost resources needed to retain the loyalty of courtiers and military servicemen, inviting a vicious circle of internal disorders and external challenges.[9] Although it was able to put down the first batch of serious rebellions in 1258–60 in South Arakan and Martaban (Mottama), the decline continued. On the eve of the Mongol invasions, between one and two-thirds of Upper Burma's cultivable land had been donated to religion. The crown's ability to mobilize defenses was in serious jeopardy.[9]


Prelude to war


Bagan plains today

First Mongol mission (1271–1272)

The period of calm for Pagan ended in the early 1270s. By then, the Song were on the ropes, and Emperor Kublai Khan, who officially founded the Yuan dynasty on 18 December 1271, sought to cut off the retreat of Song refugees in all directions.[10] In Pagan's case, he had ordered the Mongol governor of Dali to tighten control of the borderlands, and in January 1271[11] to send a mission to Pagan to demand tribute.[12] The tribute he demanded was nominal. Given his higher priority preoccupations elsewhere, the emperor was not looking to replace the regime at Pagan.[12] At the border, the ruler of the Wa and Palaung regions submitted to the Mongols.[5]


When the Mongol envoys led by Qidai Tuoyin showed up,[11] the Pagan court led by Chief Minister Ananda Pyissi was well aware of the military power of the Mongols and advised King Narathihapate to use diplomacy. The king was furious at the demand and kept the Mongol envoys waiting for weeks. The court finally devised a compromise: the envoys were sent back without ever seeing the king. Accompanying them was a Burmese envoy who carried a letter expressing friendly sentiments and the Burmese king's wish to one day worship a Buddha tooth at Beijing.[12] The king then promptly ordered an expedition, which retook the rebellious borderland regions in April 1272.[11] The rebel leader A-Pi (အပိ) was brought back to Pagan. Dali relayed the news to Beijing but did not carry out any military action.[5]


Second Mongol mission (1273)

At Beijing, Kublai Khan, who was preparing an invasion of Japan, decided against a war with Pagan—for the time being. On 3 March 1273, he sent a 4-member delegation led by an imperial ambassador, the First Secretary to the Board Rites, to Pagan.[5][12] The delegation carried a letter from the emperor. The letter says:[12]


"If you have finally decided to fulfill your duties towards the All-Highest, send one of your brothers or senior ministers, to show men that all the world is linked with Us, and enter into a perpetual alliance. This will add to your reputation, and be in your own interests; for if it comes to war, who will be the victor? Ponder well, O king, Our words."


This time, the Burmese king received the imperial envoys but still refused to submit. The Burmese chronicles say that the king was so insulted that he had the envoys executed,[13] although both Burmese inscriptional evidence and Yuan records indicate to the contrary.[5][11] At any rate, the imperial envoys did not return to Yunnan in due time. The newly formed Yunnan government sent another delegation to investigate the whereabouts of the delegation, but the delegation could not reach Pagan because of an ongoing rebellion en route.[14]


Mongol consolidation of borderlands (1275–1276)

Meanwhile, in 1274, the former Dali Kingdom was officially reorganized as the province of Yunnan, with Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar as governor.[note 3] In May 1275,[11] the governor sent a report to the emperor stating that the embassy had not returned;[note 4] that the Burmese evidently had no intention of submitting; and that war was the only way forward.[5][15]


But the emperor rejected an outright invasion. Just coming off a disastrous Japanese campaign, the emperor was unwilling to commit the central government troops to what he considered a low priority affair. He was now focused on delivering the final blow against the Song; the emperor ordered the Yunnan provincial army to secure the borderlands in order to block the escape path of the Song refugees. He also sanctioned a limited border war if Pagan contested the takeover.[10][15] As planned, the Yunnan army proceeded to consolidate the borderlands in 1275–76. Elsewhere, the main Mongol armies had captured most of the Song territory by 1276.


By 1277, at least one Burmese vassal state named "Gold Teeth" (modern Yingjiang) had submitted to the Mongols.[note 5] Like in 1272, the Burmese government responded by sending an army to reclaim the rebellious state; but unlike in 1272, the Mongols had posted a sizable garrison there.[5][15] Though it was ultimately under Mongol command, many of the officers and most of the soldiers of the garrison were Turkic-speaking peoples or people from the further west: Turks from Samarkand, Bukhara, Merv and Nishapur, but also captive soldiers from the Khwarazmid empire, the Kipchaks, and even Bulgars from the lower Volga.[16]


Border war (1277–1278)


Mongol invasions 1277–87


Mongol mounted archer

What followed was a border war in 1277–1278. It was reported mainly in the Yuan dynasty chronicle and the travelogue of Marco Polo.[note 6] Although the Burmese chronicles have no record of the border war, a 1278 Burmese inscription mentions the army's defeat at Ngasaunggyan.[5] The Mongol accounts of the border war contain certain errors of location and numbers although the overall narrative is probably accurate.[note 7]


Battle of Ngasaunggyan

Main article: Battle of Ngasaunggyan

According to the Yuan dynasty chronicle and Marco Polo's accounts, a Burmese army "invaded" the Mongol territory of Gold Teeth, and was defeated by the Mongol army in April 1277. The battle took place either at the Vochang valley (in present-day Baoshan Prefecture) or 110 km southwest at Kanngai (present-day Yingjiang, Dehong Prefecture), which the Burmese called Ngasaunggyan.[note 8]


The Yuan Chronicle reports that only 700 men defeated a Burmese army of 40,000 to 50,000 with 10,000 horses and 800 elephants. It also reports only one Mongol was killed, in trying to catch an elephant.[17][18] According to Marco Polo, the Mongol army consisted of 12,000 mounted archers, and the Burmese army numbered 60,000 men with 2,000 elephants, "on each of which was set a tower of timber, well-framed and strong, and carrying from 12 to 16 well-armed fighting men."[17][19] Even then, the 40,000 to 60,000 figures of the Burmese army strength were likely eye estimates and may still be too high; the Mongols may have erred "on the side of generosity" not to "diminish their glory in defeating superior numbers."[20]


According to Marco Polo's account, in the early stages of the battle, the Turkish and Mongol horsemen "took such fright at the sight of the elephants that they would not be got to face the foe, but always swerved and turned back," while the Burmese forces pressed on. But the Mongol commander Huthukh[note 9] did not panic; he ordered his troops to dismount, and from the cover of the nearby treelines, aim their bows directly at the advancing elephants. The Mongol archers' arrows threw the animals into such pain that they fled.[19]


Raid of Kaungsin

The Mongol army pressed on after the monsoon season. In the following dry season of 1277–78, c. December 1277, a Mongol army of 3,800 men led by Nasr al-Din, son of Gov. Sayyid Ajjal, advanced to Kaungsin, which defended the Bhamo Pass.[14][21] They occupied the fort and destroyed a large number of abandoned stockades. But they found the heat excessive and returned.[22]


Interlude (1278–1283)

Despite the Mongol military success, the control of the borderlands remained contested. Pagan did not relinquish its claim to the frontier regions, and the Burmese, apparently taking advantage of Mongol preoccupations elsewhere, rebuilt their forts at Kaungsin and Ngasaunggyan later in 1278, posting permanent garrisons commanded by Einda Pyissi.[23] But their control was short-lived. The Great Khan's attention turned to Southeast Asia once more in 1281.[24] He had mixed success: his vaunted forces finished off the last of the Song in 1279 but had again failed to take Japan in 1281. That year, the Mongol emperor sent another mission to Pagan, demanding tribute yet again. The Burmese king was to send his ten senior ministers accompanied by one thousand cavalry officers to the emperor's court.[25] (With Champa, the emperor summoned the king of Champa himself to Beijing.[24])


At Pagan, Narathihapate deliberated with his court for an appropriate response but ultimately refused to submit. The Burmese court may have been counting on another limited border war but the emperor now ordered an invasion of northern Burma.[14] He also ordered an invasion of Champa, whose king too had refused to submit.[24]


Throughout 1282, the Mongol command made preparations for the upcoming invasions of Champa and northern Burma. The objective of the Burma campaign was to take over northern Burma but no further; the emperor did not sanction an attack on Pagan itself.[26] At least one army consisted of 14,000 men of the erstwhile Khwarezmid Empire under the command of Yalu Beg was sent to Yunnan to reinforce the Burma invasion force, which again was made up of Turks and other central Asians.[16] On the Burmese side, the king managed to raise an army although given his low standing with his vassals, he probably could not have raised a large one. By mid-1283, a Burmese army led by generals Ananda Pyissi and Yanda Pyissi was deployed at a fort at Ngasaunggyan.[13]


Invasion (1283–1285)


Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot.

Battle of Ngasaunggyan (1283)

The invasion began on 22 September 1283. Prince Sangqudar was the commander-in-chief of the invasion force; his deputies were Vice Governor Taipn, and commander Yagan Tegin.[27] The Mongol armies marched to the border in two columns. One column advanced along the Taping River using over 200 boats; the other proceeded by land and joined the first column at the Burmese fort at Ngasaunggyan.[28] The Burmese chronicles report an overwhelming number of Mongol forces laying siege to the fort although their numbers are greatly exaggerated. (The chronicles say that the Burmese army numbered 400,000 men while the Mongol army numbered 20 million men and 6 million horses.)[13] The Burmese withstood the siege for over two months but the fort fell on 3 December 1283.[5][14]


Invasion of northern Burma

The defeat at Ngasaunggyan broke the back of Burmese defenses. The Burmese army lost several thousand men as well as senior commanders. Kaungsin, the next fort in line, fell just six days later on 9 December 1283.[29] The Mongol sources say that the Burmese lost 10,000 men at Kaungsin.[22] The Mongol armies pushed farther south into the Irrawaddy valley. They took the ancient Burmese capital of Tagaung, about 380 km north of Pagan on 5 February 1284.[30] There, the invaders paused their advance. They "found the heat of the searing Irrawaddy valley excessive", and evacuated Tagaung, allowing the Burmese to return to Tagaung on 10 May 1284.[31] But the Mongol army renewed their offensive in the following dry season. They retook Tagaung, and defeated another Burmese stand south of Tagaung, probably near Hanlin, on 26 January 1285, opening the way to Pagan, about 270 km south.[32][33] After the defeat, the king panicked, and fled to Lower Burma.[29] The evacuation proved premature. The Mongol forces did not advance on Pagan as it was not part of their invasion plan.[26]


The country fell into chaos. In Lower Burma, the king found himself isolated, let alone plan a counterattack. Although the king's three sons ruled the nearby regions (Bassein (Pathein), Prome (Pyay), and Dala-Twante), the king did not trust any of them, and he and his court settled at Hlegya, west of Prome.[34] Without the full support of his sons, the presence of the king and his small army impressed no one. A usurper named Wareru seized the southern port city of Martaban (Mottama) by killing its Pagan-appointed governor.[25] Gov. Akhamaman of Pegu also revolted; the king managed to send two small expeditions to Pegu but they both failed. Now, the entire eastern half of Lower Burma (Pegu and Martaban) was in open revolt.[35]


Peace negotiations (1285–1287)


Kublai Khan, founder and first emperor of the Yuan dynasty

Ceasefire

Given his precarious position, Narathihapate decided to buy time, and sue for peace with the Mongols.[36] In November/December 1285,[11][31] the king ordered his generals Ananda Pyissi and Maha Bo to enter into ceasefire negotiations.[note 10] The Mongol commanders at Hanlin, who had organized northern Burma as a protectorate named Zhengmian (Chinese: 征緬; Wade–Giles: Cheng-Mien),[note 11] agreed to a ceasefire but insisted on a full submission. They repeated their 1281 demand that the Burmese king send a formal delegation to the emperor.[5][29] The two sides had reached a tentative agreement by 3 March 1286,[note 12] which calls for a full submission of the Pagan Empire, and central Burma to be organized as the province of Mianzhong (Chinese: 緬中; Wade–Giles: Mien-Chung). After a long deliberation, the king agreed to submit but wanted the Mongol troops to withdraw. In June 2010, he sent an embassy led by Shin Ditha Pamauk, a learned monk, to the emperor's court.[34]


Treaty of Beijing

In January 1287, the embassy arrived at Beijing, and was received by the Yuan emperor. The Burmese delegation formally acknowledged Mongol suzerainty of their kingdom, and agreed to pay annual tribute tied to the agricultural output of the country.[5] (Indeed, the tribute was no longer nominal.) In exchange, the emperor agreed to withdraw his troops.[29] For the emperor, the Burma campaign was the only bright spot; his other Southeast Asian expeditions had gone badly. He did not want to invest more troops pacify the rest of the kingdom. He preferred a vassal ruler. The Burmese embassy arrived back at Hlegya in May 1287, and reported the terms to the king.[34]


Breakdown

But the agreement broke down a month later. In late June, the defeated king and his small retinue left their temporary capital for Pagan. But on 1 July 1287, King Narathihapate was captured en route and assassinated by his second son Thihathu, the Viceroy of Prome.[37] Anarchy ensued. Each region in the country which had not revolted broke away. No successor to Narathihapate, who could honor and enforce the terms of the treaty of Beijing, emerged. Indeed, a king would not emerge until May 1289.[38]


Mongol last push for Pagan (1287)

Given the chaos, the governor of Yunnan ignored the imperial orders of evacuation. The Mongol army commanded by Prince Ye-sin Timour, a grandson of the emperor, marched south toward Pagan.[29] According to mainstream traditional (colonial-era) scholarship, the Mongol army ignored the imperial orders to evacuate; fought its way down to Pagan with the loss of 7000 men; occupied the city; and sent out detachments to receive homage, one of which reached south of Prome.[39] But not all colonial period scholars agreed with the assessment as none of the contemporary Mongol/Chinese records specifically mentioned the conquest of Pagan or the temporary completeness of the conquest.[40]


Recent research shows that the Mongol forces most probably never reached Pagan.[41][42] They were held at bay by the Burmese defenses led by commanders Athinkhaya, Yazathingyan and Thihathu, and probably never got closer than 160 km north of Pagan.[36][41] (An inscription dated 16 February 1293 by the three brothers claimed that they defeated the Mongol army.[43][44]) Even if the Mongols did reach Pagan, the damage they inflicted was probably minimal.[45] At any rate, the Mongol army suffered heavy casualties, and retreated north to Tagaung. They remained there as the treaty was now void.[38]


Aftermath

The disintegration of the Pagan Empire was now complete. But the Mongols refused to fill in the power vacuum they had created. They would send no more expeditions to restore order. The emperor apparently had no interest in committing troops that would be required to pacify the fragmented country. Indeed, his real aim all along may have been "to keep the entire region of Southeast Asia broken and fragmented."[46] It would be another two years until one of Narathihapate's sons, Kyawswa, emerged as king of Pagan in May 1289. But the new "king" controlled just a small area around the capital, and had no real army. The real power in central Burma now rested with the three commander brothers.[43]


The uneasy arrangement would persist until 1297. The Mongols continued to occupy northern Burma to Tagaung as the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien) but ended the fictional central Burma province of Mianzhong on 18 August 1290.[29] Meanwhile, the power struggle in central Burma continued with the three brothers blatantly consolidating support. To check their rising power, Kyawswa submitted to the Mongols in January 1297, and was recognized by the Yuan emperor Temür Khan as King of Pagan on 20 March 1297. The emperor also gave Chinese titles to the brothers as subordinates of Kyawswa. The brothers resented the new arrangement as it directly reduced their power. On 17 December 1297, the three brothers overthrew Kyawswa, and founded the Myinsaing Kingdom.[47][48] The dethronement forced the Mongol government to intervene again, leading to the second Mongol invasion of Burma (1300–01). The invasion failed. Two years later, on 4 April 1303, the Mongols abolished the province of Zhengmian (Cheng-Mien), evacuated Tagaung, and returned to Yunnan.[38]


Legacy


Burma c. 1450 with Ava at its peak, nearer Shan states paid tribute to Ava

The war was one of several near simultaneous wars waged by the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century. Though it was never more than a minor frontier war to the Mongols, the war set off a series of enduring developments in Burma. The invasions ushered in a period of political fragmentation, and the rise of Tai-Shan states throughout mainland Southeast Asia.


Age of political fragmentation

The immediate result of the war was the collapse of the Pagan Empire. However, the war merely accelerated the collapse but did not cause it.[49] Pagan's disintegration was "in fact more prolonged and agonized."[45] The kingdom had been in long gradual decline since the early 13th century. Had Pagan possessed a stronger central government, the collapse could have been temporary, and the country “could have risen again”.[50] But the dynasty could not recover, and because the Mongols refused to fill the power vacuum, no viable center emerged in the immediate aftermath.[49] As a result, several minor states fought it out for supremacy for the better part of the 14th century. It was only in the late 14th century that two relatively strong powers emerged in the Irrawaddy basin, restoring some semblance of normalcy.[note 13] The vast region surrounding the Irrawaddy valley would continue to be made up of several small Tai-Shan states well into the 16th century.[51]


Rise of Tai-Shan states

Perhaps the most enduring legacy of the Mongol invasions was the emergence of Tai-Shan states in mainland Southeast Asia. The Tai-Shan people who came down with the Mongol invasions stayed. By the early 14th century, several Tai-Shan states had come to dominate a vast region from present-day Assam to present-day northern and eastern Myanmar to northern and central Thailand and Laos. Their rise was encouraged by the Mongols, who viewed the states as a useful buffer between Yunnan and the rest of Southeast Asia. The Mongols, who were still trying to incorporate Yunnan into the central administration, were unwilling or unable to make necessary sustained investments to bring the vast regions south of Yunnan into the fold. (The integration of Yunnan itself into “China Proper” was to take several more centuries, and continues to today.[16]) As such, from the newly formed Tai-Shan states in western and central Southeast Asia to Dai Viet and Champa in eastern Southeast Asia, the Mongols elected to receive nominal tribute.[39][52] Though the rulers of these states were technically governors of the Yuan government, they were the native chieftains, “who would have ruled there in any case, and they did as they pleased.”[53]


Arrival of China on the Burmese border

The war also marked the arrival of China at the doorstep of Burma. The old Dali Kingdom, known to the Burmese as Gandalarit (ဂန္တလရာဇ်, after Gandhara Raj)[54] was now a Mongol Chinese province. (The Burmese now called the new powers at Yunnan "Taruk" after the Turkic-speaking soldiers of Yunnan. Over the years, the term Taruk came to be used to refer to the Han Chinese. Today, King Narathihapate is remembered as Taruk-Pye Min, ("the King who fled from the Taruk [Chinese]).[55][56]) From a geopolitical standpoint, the Mongol–Chinese presence in Yunnan pushed the Shan migrations in the direction of Burma (and parts of the Khmer Empire).[57] The raids by various Shan states into Upper Burma would continue until the mid-16th century.[58]


Modern relations

During the official visit by the Mongolian President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj to Myanmar in November 2013, Aung San Suu Kyi, the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy, said this was the first ever Mongol mission since the Mongols came 730 years earlier.[59]
































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반우주체반생명체반물질체반입자체반의식체로 이뤄진 반우주의 존재들은 살수 없으며 금지추방토록 처리하다 지구인사회는, 일반우주의 법칙과 원리에 입각한 실체들만 살도록 처리하다 지구인사회에서의 인간류, 인간류사람, 비파충류종으로서의 사람, 휴만류로서의 사람들은, 우주 바이오 생명법칙과 원리를 따른다로서 처리하다 지구인사회에 640*480이상의 고해상도 텔리비젼 기술을 도입하는 것을 금지제재하도록 처리하다 지구인사회에 가장 유효하고 적합한 것은 흑백영상이며, 칼러영상은 640*480이하로 제한토록 처리하다 지구인사회에 디지털기술을 도입하는 것을 금지제재토록 처리하다. 지구인사회는 아날로그 기술만 허락토록 처리하다 지구인사회에서 유효한 것은 75mm이상의 대화면 극장이며, 이 시설이외에는 고해상도 영상처리기기들로서의 텔리비젼, 모니터등을 도입하는 것을 금지제재처리하다 디지털프로젝션의 사용을 금지하고 관련제반기술을 모두 회수토록 처리하다 휴대폰도, 일반전화기능이외에는 불필요한 기능, 기술을 적용하는 것을 금지제재토록 처리하다 일반전화기능만 가진 저가, 값싼 휴대폰 기능만 허락하되, 아나로그 기술로서만 적용토록 처리하다 가능한한, 공중전화, 일반전화만 사용토록 처리하다 지구인사회에 제트기의 도입을 금지하고, 프로펠러 비행체만 허락토록 금지제재하다 우리가 목격관찰한 바로는, 미국인들을 대상으로 보건대, 실제 원본심으로서의 도덕,윤리개념은, 다만, 물건을 살때 돈을 지불해야 하고, 돈을 지불하고 물건을 구매하면 도덕적이고 윤리적이라고 믿는다는 것이다. 이들 세계를 보건대, 우리가 인정인식할수 있는 그 어떤 도덕,윤리도 없었으며, 다만 자본주의 원리원칙에 입각하여 도둑질강도질(그것도 눈에 보이는 3차원물질계, 인간세상,사람사는세상에서의 일로서)만 안하면 그것이 도덕, 윤리라고 믿고 있었다는 점이다. 이들은 대부분 만일 누군가가 지켜보지 아니하고 처벌받거나 불이익을 당하지 않는다면, 무조건 타인, 다른 사람의 좋은 것, 제일 좋은 것들을 마구잡이로 도둑질 강도질하고 자기것이라고 주장할 자들이며, 이것이 오늘날 지구인들의 기본 윤리도덕개념이며 수준으로 목격관찰되다. 다만, 극소수 예외가 있다면 박종권이와 함께 하는 사람들로서의 혹은 그 계열과 같이 하는 휴만류, 만류로서의 인간,사람들은 그러하지는 않다는 점이 예외이다. 이는 정통적의미로서의 사람으로서 살면, 그러한 부정성이 제거된다는 의미이다. 오늘날 지구인이라고 불리는 자들의 약 70%는 정통적의미로서의 사람으로서는 살아본적이 전혀 없고, 대부분 파충류종족, 파충류종, 선비족, 훈족으로 불리는 이른바 준성운계 수준의 다른 실체들이다. 그러한 관계로 이들 세계에는 도덕,윤리라는 개념이 희박하거나 없는 것이다. 이들에게 있어서 도덕,윤리란 다른 사람들로부터 칭찬받거나 인정받거나 이익을 얻는데 필요한 도구이기에 다른 사람들이 지켜보는 공공의 사회, 공공의 조직, 공중적 관계측면에서 그저 보여지기 위한 위장술책에 지나지 않았다로서 목격관찰되다 도덕,윤리재무장운동을 전개하되, 만일 정통적의미로서의 사람류로서 살지 않는 자들에 대해서는 전원 무조건 영구작두사형처리후 추방토록 처리하다. 향후 지구는 정통적의미로서의 인간류, 만류, 휴만류, 비파충류종적 사람류만 살도록 엄격하게 금지제재처리하다. 은하연합원로원, 은하대전연합원로원, 민타카연합원로원, 아틀란티스17연합동맹원로원 제출 박종권 서명처리 연금 우리의 경험에 의하면, 연금을 받아서 산다고 할적에, 사람답게 살기 위한 최저연금액은 한국돈 150만원(1500000원)으로 계산처리하다 1인기준연금최저액 : 150만원(혼자서 살때 만일 가족이 있다면?) 4인기준 한달 식비(가정에서 주부조리요리) : 약 800000원(한국돈 80만원) - 3끼 한달 식사비만 80만원이 요구되다 따라서 연금법 규정을 개정하여, 최저연금액을 150만원(한국돈기준)으로 정하도록 처리하다 자신감부족 남의 것으로 먹고 살때 주로 발생되는 증상은, 자신감부족이다. 그래서, 이른바 약탈경제시대, 야만과 미개의 시대에는, 무력과 힘으로서 사람들 것을 약탈강탈해서 먹고 살고 위세를 부리지만, 다만, 시대가 변화하고, 사람들의 인지와 지성이 발달하면, 그와 같은 처리로서만은, 만족할수 없게 되는 것이다 무력과 힘으로서 사람들을 제압하고, 약탈강탈하여 부귀호사하던 시대에는 누릴수 없는 또 다른 즐거움이나 행복, 부귀로움이 존재하는 것이기에 그렇다 그러나 그런 시대에서조차도, 과거 방식으로서 무력과 힘, 불법수단도구들을 통하여 다른 사람것을 약탈강탈하여, 호사를 누리고 부귀공명하기를 바란다. 이것이 오늘날 지구의 문제들인데, 지구라는 것이 원본래적으로는 그런 곳이기에 더 그렇다 그러나 현대시대에 와서, 과거시대처럼 무력과 힘, 불법수단에 의지하여 부귀호사하고 극상처우를 받기를 바란다면, 반드시 문제가 생길 것이다. 그리고 되돌리지 않는다면, 아마겟돈을 불가피하다. 부정정사의 악영향으로서 제1차,2차세계대전이 발발하고, 온갖 두려움과 파괴의 물결이 지구를 휩쓸고 지나갔다. 하지만 여전히 문제는 해결되지 않고 있는 가운데, 더욱 더 교활 능활 사특한 술수로서 과거시대의 부귀호사와 부귀공명과 극상의 삶을 누리고자 하는 무리들이 존재한다 이는 지구라는 곳의 특성상, 실제로는, 악업,죄업,흉업을 감경받거나 해결하기 위한 도상에서의 지구행성 존재의 목적에 정면위배되고, 이것을 방치할 경우에는, 지구라는 행성의 특성상, 은하계 전체, 나아가서는 우주전체로 악영향이 파급될 것이다. 반우주의 실체들은 이러한 점을 알고 있으며, 지구를 장악하고, 여기를 전초기지로 하여, 나머지 은하계, 다른 우주로 지구에서 자행한 교활 능활 사특한 영적인 속임수, 영적인 모독술수로서 자행하려 하고 있다. 이는, 원본래적으로는 원본능적으로서 혹은 다른 기질과 특성과 업보적 특성으로서 생활하고 진보발전해야 하는 다른 체계들의 허점을 노리는 교활한 술수로서, 지구행성의 특성상, 만류, 휴만류의 지성과 지식, 노력과 근면들 그리고 정서와 감성들 희망과 바램들 그리고 믿음과 신앙들이 결부되기 때문이다. 이러한 체계는 우주에서 드문 것들이며, 이것을 악용해서, 잘 모르는 다른 체계의 주민들을 농락하고, 속이고, 기만하고, 하나님행세를 하고 신행세를 하고, 공경까지 받는 부정성들이 횡행하고 있다 다른 체계에서 보면, 모른다. 이 지구라는 곳이 어떤 곳인지를 모르는 것이다. 따라서 지구행성체계는 폐쇄되어야 하며, 지속적항구적항속적종신적영구적영원적영겁적영속적무시무종적으로 영적인 마지막전쟁을 통하여 파괴되어져 영구폐쇄되어야 한다 방치할 경우, 온 우주가 오염되고 더럽고 추잡한 악마의 무리들이 온 우주를 오염시킬 것이다. 이들이 말하는 바를 우리는 아는데, 다만 우리가 보건대는 이들은 다자모순, 다중모순속에 있다. 그것이 이기심이다. 이기심, 탐욕, 시기심, 질투심, 선망심이다. 이들은 그것을 부인하지만, 실상은 그렇다 다만 이들에게 부여된 이상한 특권들이 이것을 무마시킨다. 예를 들면 사람은 아바타를 쓸수 없는데, 이들은 아바타, 아종등 여러술수로서, 아주 많은 특권 특혜를 마구잡이로 누린다. 그러나 이것도 상대적으로는 그것을 할수 없는 실체들이 있기에 가능하고, 그러한 것을 기본적으로는 할수 없는 세계내에서 유효한 것이다. 만일 그렇지 않다면, 이들이 재미를 느끼지 못할 것이기 때문이다. 즉, 그러한 체계를 우주로 확산시키고, 상대적 차별과 고통을 강요하는 가운데, 극소수 지배계층으로서의 쾌락과 특권의식을 만끽하려는 반우주적 책동인 것이다. 상대적차별과 고통이 없다면 이들은 그렇게 하지 않는다. 김빠진 맥주꼴이거나 앙꼬없는 찐빵이 되기에 재미가 없는 것이다. 그러나 상대적차별이 있다면 재미가 있는데, 특권특혜에서 오는 상대적 만족과 쾌락이란 극상이다. 보통 魔物意識이라고 말한다. 이 마물의식이란 무언고 하면, 굳이 그렇게 하지 않아도 되는데, 굳이 그렇게 하는 놈들로서, 못먹고 못살고 고통받게 제한시키는 의식이라는 의미이다. 물론 악업죄업흉업의 영향도 있다. 하지만, 반드시 그것만은 아니고 이들의 의식이 원본래적으로 그렇게 되어 있다는 점이다. 그렇게 해야만 자신들의 쾌락과 만족이 보장되기 때문이다. 즉, 나만 누린다는 특권의식이다. 단순히 악업흉업죄업으로서 그렇게 된다면 문제는 없다. 하지만 만일 그렇게 된다면, 현재 우리가 보는 것과는 다른 양상으로 전개될 것이다. 다만, 악업죄업흉업의 업보로서 그렇게 되더라도, 이 마물의식들은, 반드시 임의대속, 영구대속, 무한대속, 무단속죄, 일시대속등의 술수를 개발하여 적용하는 술수로서, 이렇다 할 죄가 없거나 굳이 그렇게까지는 하지 않아도 되는 사람들을 의도적으로 계획하에 그렇게 만들 것이다. 그렇게 하지 않으면 도무지 재미가 없고 쾌락만족이 없기 때문이다 이는 이들이 사람으로서 살지 않았고, 무엇을 하든 마음만 먹으면 금방되는 조건에서만 살아온 재벌15세들이자 반우주실체들이기 때문이다. 이런 실체들이 만일 사람으로서 위장하여 살 경우에는, 반드시 문제가 되는데 그것이 바로 자신감 부족이다. 책임의식이 결여되어 있고 문제를 해결할 의지력이 결여된 등신들이기 때문이다. 게다가 문제를 해결하거나 다수의 사람들을 리더할 능력도 부족하다. 사람이 아닌 경우는 식인의식, 식육의식(-58등급의 극단적 잔인성 흉악성 사악성을 지닌 극단품)과 마물의식으로서 하지만, 만일 사람이라면, 도저히 할수 없기에 그렇다. 그게 이재용이 놈이고 이건희놈이고, 영국지도부이고, 미국대통령들이다. 이런 상황에서 사람으로서 살고 있는 다른 사람들에게 대속을 걸고, 모든 책임의식과 고통들을 전가시키는 술수를 쓴다. 만일 이들이 자신감이 있다면 타인에게 대속을 걸고 책임을 전가하고, 고통을 전가하는 술수를 쓰지 않을 것이다. 자신감이 없는 것이다. 말하자면 사람일 경우에는 그렇다 이재용이 놈도 우리가 그간 장기간 목격관찰해보면, 제놈의 애비가 해놓은 일에만 의존하지 제놈으로서 스스로 대그룹을 이끌 자질과 능력, 의지가 부족한 놈이다. 자신감이 없는 것이다. 이런 경우는 마물의식, 식인의식, 식육의식에 의지하여 엉뚱한 다른 사람에게 고통을 전가하고 책임을 전가하고, 업보를 전가하는 술수를 쓰는 것이다. 마찬가지로 이승만을 위시한 한국의 선비족수장놈들 한국대통령놈들도 똑같다. 자기가 선비족인 경우는 사람대비 16배이상 강해서, 뭐든 잘하고 리더로서 우쭐하지만, 막상 사람이 되면 그게 아닌 것이다. 한국 대통령이라는 자들이 우리가 아는 바로는 김대중, 노태우씨를 제외하면 나머지는 전부 선비족수장들이다. 그러나 김일성이에게 이기지를 못하고 두려워한다. 그리고 미국에 기댄다. 사람이라서 그런데, 막상 보면 비열하고 비겁하고 볼상사납다 우리가 이들을 욕하고 비난하는 이유는 많다. 이유없이 비난하지는 않는다 자신감이 없기에 그런 것이다. 자신감 부족이다. 자신감이 없다는 것은, 사람으로서 살지 않았기 때문이다. 김일성이가 강한 이유는, 일단 라마제국인 칼리가 배후에 서 있고, 125등급 수룡들이 서 있다. 게다가 소련(소비에트연방 몽골계통이 강하다. 물론 아플레이아데스도 있다)이 배후에 있고, 이런 저런 이유로 강한 것이다. 러시아를 극히 미워하는 놈들은 영국놈들이다. 왜 러시아를 미워하느냐 하면, 러시아가 몽골계통이기 때문이다. 물론 아플레이아데스도 있다. 그리고 다른 여러민족이 있는데 다만 칭기즈칸의 영향으로 몽골세력이 존재한다. 그래서 영국놈들 비위를 거슬린다. 그래서 영국놈들이 프랑스 나폴레옹, 독일 히틀러를 배후사주하여 러시아를 치는 것이다. 게다가 미국도 소련을 대상으로 일전을 불사한다고 맞대응하게 만든다. 이게 영국놈들인데, 근본원인을 보면, 몽골계라는 이유이다. 박종권이도 몽골계이다. 가장 골치아픈 놈들로서 고구려 곰족세력과 몽골세력을 영국놈들이 손꼽는다. 자기들 하는 일에 방해가 된다. 고구려 곰족세력은 이미 히로시마 나가사키에 원자탄 투하해서 다 죽였다. 멸족된 것이다. 그러나 몽골이 남았는데, 이게 러시아다. 그래서 지랄지랄하고 시비걸고 전쟁벌리고 그러는거다 고구려곰족은 비파충류계통이다. 몽골은, 나찰적인간류 혹은 어떤 다른 계통이라고 추론된다. 이 아플레이아데스 도적들과는 아주 다르다. 하지만, 사람사는 세상에서 무언가를 할수 있었던 것은 몽골이다. 몽골세력이 집권하던 원나라에서는 도교와 구파일방 무림세력이 형성된다. 그러나 원나라이전을 보면, 그런게 없고, 사교 마교가 판을 치고, 백련교를 비롯해서 마왕 마귀들이 설치던 곳이 중국이다. 게다가, 영국도 마찬가지다. 원나라시기는 그래도 중국이 사람사는 곳이다. 나찰비슷한 사람들이다. 은하연합원로원, 은하대전연합원로원, 민타카연합원로원, 아틀란티스17연합동맹원로원 고려 세조 왕륭(高麗 世祖 王隆, ? ~ 897년)은 후삼국시대 후고구려의 군인이자 정치인이다. 고려의 추존왕이며 태조 왕건의 아버지다. 국조 원덕대왕(國祖 元德大王)은 고려 태조의 증조부이자 의조의 아버지이며, 세조의 할아버지이다. 개성 왕씨의 시조이기도 하다 고려 의종 때 김관의가 왕건의 족보를 채집해 기록한 고려편년통록(高麗編年通載)에 의하면 고려를 세운 왕건의 증조모 정화왕후 강씨(貞和王后 康氏)는 고구려계 신라 사람인 강충(康忠)의 증손녀이자 고구려 출신의 신라 장군 강호경(康虎景)이 그녀의 증조부이다. 왕건은 집안 가계상 고구려의 먼 후손에 해당한다.[2][3] 고려 태조(高麗 太祖, 877년 1월 31일(음력 1월 14일)[1] ~ 943년 7월 4일(음력 5월 29일)[2])는 후삼국 시대 태봉의 장군이자 고려를 건국한 고려의 초대 국왕 (재위 : 918년 7월 25일(음력 6월 15일) ~ 943년 7월 4일(음력 5월 29일))이다. 성은 왕(王), 휘는 건(建), 본관은 개성(開城), 자(字)는 약천(若天), 묘호(廟號)는 태조(太祖), 시호(諡號)는 응운원명광렬대정예덕장효위목인용신성대왕(應運元明光烈大定睿德章孝威穆仁勇神聖大王)이고 능호는 현릉(顯陵)이다. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 고려세조 왕륭은, 후고구려 장군이다. 이 사람이 있었던 시기를 보면, 선비족(수당세력)과 대립하던 시기이자, 백제(왜)와 대립하던 시기다. 특히 당나라 우중문, 우문술이 주도가 된 한반도 침공이 가열되던 시기다. 당항성 전투는 이를 간접적으로 시사한다. 당항성 전투에서 우리는 목을 관통당한다. 누군지는 몰라도 검술이 뛰어난 자이다. 일격관통이다. 그래서 잠시 사망한다. 전라북도 전주, 계백, 장수일원은 후고구려 영역인데, 당나라 세력들과 선비족이 들어오고 있는 상황이다. 선비족세력은, 유영관(과거의 아루쓰아종) 아루쓰가 전주로 밀고 들어온다. 아루쓰는, 당시 누구였는지는 모르겠으나, 충청북도 단양, 경상북도 풍기일원으로 치고들어오고 있다. 선비족이라고 하지만, 실제는 플레이아데스 아루쓰로서, 훈족급이다. 아루쓰가 치고 들어온 궤적을 보면, 충청북도 단양, 경상북도 풍기, 경상남도 포항, 경상남도 경주일원이다. 이어서 다시 전라북도 전주로 치고들어오고 있다. 그 배후에 이건희 변절자가 따라붙고, 전주에는 이재용이 놈 민족배반자 변절자놈이 선비족이 되어서 나타난다. 아루쓰 놈에게 협조하고 있는 중국놈이다. 여기에 다시 당항성 전투당시를 보면, 우중문, 우중술인데, 이 자가 바로 미마쓰이다. 아루쓰는 육로를 통해서 육전을 전개하며 들어오고, 우중문 우중술로 위장한 미마쓰가 수로를 따라서 침공해오고 있는 상황이다. 플레이아데스 프로젝트과정에서 우리의 플레이아데스 원신체가 이들 4대무법자들에게 포박되고 결박된 것도 바로 이런 이유이다. 이후부터 우리는 힘을 못쓰고 당하기 시작한다 플레이아데스 프로젝트는 사기기만협잡질로서, 우리가 가진 힘을 빼앗고, 자기들이 하고 싶지만 할수 없었던 일을 하거나, 하려는 일을 하고자 했던 명백한 사기기만협잡극이다. 고구려상장군이 당고종놈에게 잡혀간것도 플레이아데스 원신체가 포박결박된 이후에 일어난 사태이다. 4대무법자 네놈과 냉기치 제2차은하대전위원장놈이 힘을 합쳐서 내리친 것이다. 이후 우리가 병신 등신취급을 받는데, 모독 수모 멸시가 말로 표현할수 없다 이재용이 놈이 우리를 먹잇감으로 하여 지구세계 그것도 현대사회에서 극상처우를 받고자 하고, 서양미녀들과 서양상위계층으로부터 칭찬애호를 받으려고 지랄발악하는 이유는 여기서 시작한다. 그리고 이재용이 놈은, 플레이아데스 전체를 대변한다. 니비루도 대변한다. 이 자들에게 이를 갈아붙이는 이유는 매우 많다 플레이아데스 자체가 처먹고 똥만 질러대는 재벌15세놈들이며 대표적인 반우주체들이다 이런 상황에서 이들에게 대항한 세력들 중 하나는 몽골세력일 것이다. 그것이 칭기즈칸인데, 이조차도 제놈들이 하겠다고 나대는 것이 플레이아데스놈들이다. 몽골계는, 나찰계통과 기타 알수 없는 어떤 신들계통으로서, 플레이아데스놈들과는 조금 다르다 미마쓰 이 자도 우리의(하급지구인이 아니라 준성단급을 의미한다) 덕과 품위를 도둑질하여 엎어쓰고 마음씨 좋은 할아버지 면상을 하고 나타나지만, 실제로는 아주 흉악무도한 자이며, 흉노의 수장이었다 이 자들의 실제 원본색을 보면, 도저히 살수 없는 흉악성과 사악성, 잔인성으로 도배질을 치는 반우주적 실체들이다. 이 상황에서 왕건의 조상들중 후고구려장군을 한 것인데, 우리가 유추해석하건대는 왕건의 초상화나 기타를 보건대, 몽골계통일 것으로 추정된다. 원조시대에 생긴 몽골성씨일수도 있다. 즉, 고려가 몽골계에 속한다고 보이고, 조선조가 시작되기 이전에 왕씨들을 몰아서 학살한 이유도 여기에 있다고 보인다. 이는 영국놈(프랑스, 독일을 사주하거나 미국을 배후로 하여 지랄거린다)들이 러시아(몽골계)만 보면 전쟁을 일으키고 지랄하는 것과 대동소이하다. 왕씨는 중국성씨 같지만, 실제로는 몽골성씨일 가능성이 높아 보인다 몽골계 바로 옆에 고돌궐계를 만들고 겉으로만 보면 몽골계와 똑같이 위장하여 나타나는 것도 이런 이유이다. 몽골계와는 명백하게 다른데도, 몽골계와 아주 유사한 풍모 외모 형상 문화체제를 모방한다. 비겁함, 비열함, 추잡함, 난잡함, 지저분함, 무례방자함, 오만무도함, 패악함, 패덕함, 패악무도함은 이들 반우주세력의 기본품성이다. 은하대전연합원로원, 은하연합원로원, 아틀란티스17연합원로원, 민타카연합원로원 박종권 쓰다